Sunday, June 15, 2014


This is a personal tribute by Harsh Thakor to Harbhajan Sohi on the 5th anniversary of his death

Today on June 15th we commemorate the 5th anniversary death anniversary of legendary comrade

Comrade Harbhajan Sohi ,Secretary of the Central Commitee of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) was one of the best Marxist-Leninist theoreticians or polemicists in the world in the class of Com Gonzalo, Jose Marie Sison, Shan , Kondappali Seetharamiah or Ganapathy.
Whether on the nationality question, aspect of mode of production ,tactics of elections or international line Harbhajan Sohi was a master.
He brilliantly handled the contradictions between the mass organizations and the proletarian party in the movement, striving to mantain the correct relationship between the 2 bodies in practice.

Harbhajan Singh Sohi who made an invaluable contribution in building the massline and in developing the correct polemics of the International Line.
He was the pioneer in the criticism of the Dengist 3 worlds theory propagated from 1977 by the C.P.C.

In practice and theory he gave abject lessons on the correct relationship between the party and the mass organizations and the correct concept of practice of mass organizations.
Very often there has been a tendency to confuse the party with the mass organizations and impose the party politics on mass organizations.
Comrade HBS played a major role in leading the Punjab Co-ordination Committee of Communist revolutionaries in refuting the left adventurist line of Charu Mazumdar.
Comrade HBS defended the Leninist concept of the party and dictatorship of the proletariat tooth and nail and fought all capitulationist and ecclectic trends like a boulder standing in a gale.
He also took the correct position on nationality question and on the mode of production.
I would have loved to have read Sohi's critique of Bob Avakian's New Synthesis from a Maoist perspective and of revisionist trends.
Comrade Sohi also made a concrete theoretical appraisal  of the Kashmir nationality movement  in 1990 .
He made a proletarian  class analytical perspective when certain groups like J.K.L.F .in Kashmir and U.L.F.A in Assam were taking a non-marxist stand.
Today let us dip our blood in Comrade Sohi's memory.

The document Harbhajan Sohi wrote in 1982 on ' defence of Marxism -Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought and General Line of International Communist Movement' is the best theoretical writing by any communist leader  defending Mao Tse Tung  Thought since 1976 in the world.
It rendered great service to the 1963 C.C.P.letter on general line of the ICM on June 14th.
The document had refuted Enver Hoxha’s 2 world theory and Deng Xiaping’s theory of 3 worlds.
It consisted of  reviewing the entire history of the Communist Movement in the period of Trotskyite attacks, to the period of the great debate and finally to the period of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
It is arguably the best theoretical work in the Communist revolutionary camp in India.
It brilliantly defends the edifice of Leninism  and it's basic foundations..Sadly we never read Comrade Sohi's analysis of the C.P.I.(Maoist) which would have been one of the most accurate and enlightening lessons for the entire revolutionary camp.
He would have admired the C.P.I.(Maoist) from a critical angle. I also would have loved his interpretations or views on the terminology of 'Maoism.'

1.Struggle against left adventurism of Charu Mazumdar by PCRC led by HBS

In the 70’s there was a strong secular democratic movement led in Punjab by the revolutionary democratic forces represented by groups of Communist Revolutionaries.

The Communist Revolutionaries in Punjab were divided into 3 different trends.
There was the Charu Mazumdar Trend (upheld by Jagjit Singh Johal), the trend following Chandra Pulla Reddy and Satya Narayan Singh (referred to as the Punjab Himachal Committee) and theT.Nagi Reddy line professed by Harbhajan Sohi of the Punjab Co-ordination Commitee of Communist Revolutionaries.
The student and youth movement  had a strong revolutionary democratic character.

It was led by the Punjab Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries which was earlier a part of the Punjab CPI (ML) led by Jagjit Singh Johal which upheld the Charu Mazumdar left adventurist line.

However the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee went out of the Punjab CPI (ML) affiliated to Charu Mazumdar’s all India Group. They brought out a document stating that the Charu Mazumdar line was in contradiction to Mao’s thesis of People’s protracted war

On June 20th, 1969 a meeting of Communist revolutionaries was held to discuss the issue of the formation of the party. The 2 questions to be discussed were whether it was justified to form it, and were appropriate methods used?

The meeting concluded that the present circumstances were wrong. The party organisation was to be formed from the leadership that emerged from the struggles.

The Punjab co-ordination committee issued this press statement "Due to political differences we break our relationship with CPI.M.L.

In Punjab their activities are left adventurist.

They oppose the process of people’s protracted war.

We do not want to be arrested in self-destructive tendencies."

In 1974 the Punjab Co-ordination Committee published a document why they demarcated themselves from Charu Mazumdar’s CPI (ML):

1. Since the socio-economic conditions differ and political consciousness varies from place to place, the revolutionary movements have to pass through various stages, and different tactics would have to be used at various places.

2. To ignore open and legal struggles is left adventurism. These will contribute to the development of armed struggle.

3. Annihilation of class enemies leads to the emergence of feelings of hero worship and retards revolutionary initiative.

4. To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism. The working class will have to pass through various phases of struggle.

5. Mass organisations will have to be formed such as peasant, worker and student organisations.

6. Although the rural areas are the main areas of struggle the movement cannot exclude the mass organisations in urban areas.

7. Individual annihilations do not comprise people’s war. The CPI (ML) is too simplistic about it.

8. The CPI (ML) ignores the fact that the People’s democratic revolution will occur under the leadership of the proletariat, particularly the industrial working class.

The Punjab Co-ordination Committee only joined Nagi Reddy’s Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India in 1976. 

2. Mass Organizations and the party

Below is an excerpt from a document written by the Punjab state Commitee of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India led by Comrade HBS on 'Mass Organizations and the party.

In the initial stages of the movement the 'left' adventurist sections, described mass organizations as "an obstacle in the way of revolution

."Only after the erroneous line had been defeated and the importance of mass organizations established did their followers of such thinking change their viewpoint.(earlier such sections claimed mass organizations as 'revisionist' , economists' and 'renegades of the armed struggle.')

However even when such Communist revolutionary sections started participating in mass organizations they imposed party politics on mass organisations

They confused the party with the mass organization and use the mass organization platform to promote party ; politics.

There was sharp ideological political struggle and certain Communist Revolutionaries even wanted to dismantle such mass organizations.

Mass Organisations were turned into forums of direct party politics and efforts were made to impose Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thougt on them.

They even termed the Punjab Students Union,a bourgeois organization and they attempted to convert it into a Communist Youth League which openly adhered to party politics.

Though at present this trend has receded it's political infection survives.

This pamphlet reflects on the important points concerned

 Rise and development of mass organizations.

The process of emergence of mass organizations belongs to that period of social development in which the capitalist system developed itself after it's victory over the feudal system. Even though during the pre-capitalist stage small crude forms of mass organizations were taking shape in an isolated manner,the process of their development as a widespread phenomena is predominant in the capitalist era.

The large-scale capitalistic production created such objective conditions as were favourable for the workers/labourers to get united,moving along te path of class struggle. Earlier production used to take place in smaller, localized and almost self-reliant units;this prevented different sections of working people , involved in the production process from coming close toeaxch other,a nd uniting themselves as a class with self-consciousness.

Large-Scale production permanently broke all the ties of the workers ,thus uniting them against the exploiter class.

A mass organization is a group of organized people who, judged from the aspect of their standing in the given production system, or from the aspect of occupation, objective interests and working conditions,are uniform, re said to comprise a mass organization. For instance, a factory of workers: All workers work in the factories owned by capitalists.

They earn their wages by soling their labour power. Finaly they seek emancipation from the capitalist rule ,and for that purpose build a common organization of workers, that is called a mass organization of workers.

Like workers,employees,students,agricultural workers,peasants,shopkeepers,so have their mass organizations.

The workers belonging to different categories alo belong to different mass orgaisations i.e railway,shipyard ost and telegraph workers.

This is  because there are factory Unions belonging to different trades.Trae Union Organisations alos establish joint centres for common struggles,which atre known as trade Union Federations or Centres.

The mass organization are an instrument for the revolutionary party to approach the maximum number of people, bringing them into the organized movement and imparting them the preliminary understanding and experience which may enable them to gars[p and absorb the revolutionary propaganda.

They play the role of a transmission belt between the party and the people. That brings the people closer to the party and connects them with it. It helps the party reach a large number of non-party masses outside it's fold.With it's help the party kindles and influences various fields of Class Struggle.

Comrade Stalin writes:

The overwhelming majority of these organizations are non –party, and only some of them directly adhered to the party,or constitute offshoots from it.

All these organizations under certain conditions ,are absolutely necessary for the working class for without hemit would be impossible to consolidate the class positions of te proletariat in the diverse spheres of struggle.for without them it would be ipossible to steel the proletariat as the force wose mission isto replace the bourgeois order with the Socialist Order.

Thus mass organizations include in them vast sections, large numbers,who still remain inaccessible to the Party of the Working Class,who are yet not prepared to accept he direct leadership of the party.

The mass organizations attract thse peole into mass struggles and impart them with organizational and democratic awareness.

They work as nurseries for producing such primary fighters of the class struggles.

They thus work for producing the seedlings of the revolution and a fertile ground for the expansion of the Communist Party and the Movement.

Comrade Lenin stated "The development of the proletariat did not, and could not ,proceed anywhere in the world without trade Unions, through reciprocal action between them and the party of the Working class. The Trade Unions remain an indispensable "school of communism' and a preparatory school that trains proletarians to exercise their dictataorship.

It is very important to differentiate between a party and a mass organization.A mass organization is a organization for the partial struggle of the working class,t he party organization is an organization for basic struggle.

A mass organization fights for immediate interests, for  the partial demands of a section of a class; the party fights for the attainment of revolutionary transformation.

Only those sections can join the party who are politically conscious and are prepared to plunge themselves into a basic struggle. Only he most advanced and conscious sections of the working class ,who understand the ideology and politic s of the class viz, the communists alone can constitute its members.

While, since amass organization is a struggle or immediate and partial interests, which even a common worker is aware of ,even the most backward sections of the concerned class can constitute it. n ordinary worker can join them.

The party of the working class must maintain it's political ideological firmness to play the role of apolitical guide. This norm is violated by 'left' adventurist sections who impose their ideology as well as revisionist parties wo impose party membership on a ordinary non-conscious striker.

The 'left'adventurists when they force 'Mao Tse Tung Thought' on a mass organization, close the doors for for ordinary sections.

In any section or class there remains a section who have different political views and are not willing to accept the ideology of the working class. When mass organizations have party politics imposed on hem the non-party sections, feel deprived and step aside from the mass organization.It is reduced to an arena of pro-party sections alone.

Thus party understanding must never be imposed o mass organizations in toto and the party must use the idioms of the masses.Instead of Marxist Leninist Terminology and formulations, a terminology should be derivated to reach out to he broad masses.

A party of the working class has to lead an all round struggle ,an thus has to establish leadership overall the fields and classes that are essential for the revolution. It's range of leadership is quite widespread. The mass organization has a limited range,and needs to only relate to it's own class or section.

The minimum political programme of he party is o overthrow the exsiting clas rule based on exploitation and o[pression, and to replace it with a rule in which the working class has predominance.It has to build a Communist Society.

While a mass organization ,being an organization for partial demand,has for immediate programme the struggle for attainment of partial demands of tat class or section, wheras it's highest goal is to convert itself into a fighting contingent of the motive forces of the revolution,by developing itself into an organization of a concerned class or section.

It is imperative for the party to to target every anti-people class rule.I t should command the standpoint of the revolutionary movement and stand by the overall revolutionary politics. The mass organization has to maintain a mass character and expected to raw political elements.
The Party must at all times assert it's political positions and stand up with the courage of steel in the most adverse times It must always defend proletarian politics. The mass organizations act within the existing system. They are expected to move taking he objective conditions and their strength into account.

The party is a tightly-knit organization with iron discipline, Integrating theory with practice,and is abused on the most politically advanced section s of the working class,.

It must adopt underground and secretist style of work. Only then can it protect itself from the onslaughts of the state A lose and open party is inviting danger..

In contrast a mass organization is an open organization. It thus cannot adhere to as strict a discipline as the party .It is a comparatively lose organization.

Relation between a party and a mass organization

While providing leadership o a mass organization he party of the working class does not find it difficult to retain a separate identity of it's own as the champion of the overall interests of the working class. It provides its leadership from the overall standpoint of the revolutionary movement .

During the current struggles of peasants the party through it's propaganda provides them with a correct direction regarding the intention of both of the contending sides, the peasants an the govt,their reliable and vaccilating allies and opponents, the favourable and unfavourable conditions etc.

The party maintains it's separate identity as the champion of he basic interest of the working class by making the peasant movement more vigilant of the deception and allies of the opportunist political forces, exposing the anti-peasant nature of he state structure and the need and methods of destroying the prevalent system./The party leads from the overall revolutionary standpoint in connection with the making of a common cause with those allies of the peasant movement who can stand up with it against the common enemy.

On different occasions ,the concerned mass organizations may adopt hat part of the party's propaganda that suits their given level and need .Through sustained and repeated propaganda by the party,the imageof the party being for them is increased, and the party's leadership gains credibility.

The mass organizations respect the party's propaganda and more advanced sections are developed from them.

The party must introduce politics that matches with the level of political consciousness that exists in amass organization.The masses must be able to assimilate that level of politics.

The quantity and quality of politics has to be analysed.

Comrade Stalin writes;Non –party organisations, Trade Unuions and co-opratives etc.should be officially subordinated to the party leadership.It only means hat members of he party who belong to these organizations an are influential should place their utmost energy to persuade these non-party organizations to draw nearer to the party of he proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept it's party leadership.

The party politics must not be imposed The politics introduced should be on par with the average level of consciousness of amass organization member.

Excess of politics introduced will violate the democratic spirit.

Several people perform the functions of a party and mass organization activist. Within a mass organization a party member must work within her discipline of that mass front. They will have to abide wit the same norms as non-party members do

Now they have to wok under the identity of a mass activist. The need of the mass organization becomes the need of  the party itself.

Party activists can also have dual identity in a mass organisation.

They function as party members, within the discipline of the mass organization.

Sometimes conflicts occur when more than 2 political forces act within one organization. Here the norms of the mass organisation concerned must not be violated even if political struggle exists. If norms are violated such mass organisations become arena's of party politics.

Political groups of conflicting trends should avoid dragging politics or differences into the mass organization. Only those differences should be resolved which are compatible to the understanding of the members of the mass organization.

Only he differences of the politics the masses can assimilate should be debated.

The dominating faction of amass organization should not behave arrogantly, and not take decisions that are prejudicial against the political interests of another faction. Similarly, the minority faction should not resort to unorganisational methods .

A Front organization is one that openly identifies itself with the party.

The distinction of a front organization fro an ordinary mass organization is that the mass sections accept the leadership of the party. In a revolutionary movement for long phases the the situation for running mass organizations as front organizations dose not arise.

Comrade Lenin stated "If we in Russia today, after two and a half years of unprecedented victories over the bourgeoisie of Russia  make'recognition of the dictatorship' a condition of trade Union membership ,we would be doing a very foolish thing, damaging our influences amongst the masses.,and helping the Mensheviks.

We must convince he backward elements to work among them, and not to fence themselves of from them with artificially childish 'left'slogans.

The party must always handle the contradiction between the mass character of the mass organization and the political content and not impose the politics of advanced political content.

When the direct leadership of their party would not become a bar in joining the organizations, and when ,despite this a factor even the backward sections may be willing to join them, then it is all right for such organizations to work as Front organizations.

3. International Communist Movement line

Below I am posting excerpts from the document Com.HBS wrote in 1982'

In defence of Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse Tung Thought and General Line of International Communist Movement.'

 In this pernicious theory termed as 'The theory of 3 Worlds" the middle forces( 2nd World Countries like West European countries and Japan)have dual character and are given the role that the national bourgeoisie is given in a semi-colonial country.

This force at no given stage of its development have some potential for playing a role in the revolutionary movement to a certain extent, under certain condition.

Even when a tactical alliance is launched by revolutionary forces with a section of enemy forces against the principal enemy, this section does not lose it's enemy character or posses 'dual character.'

By attributing dual character to these imperialist powers the 'three worldists' change the fundamental contradiction of between the 2nd rate Imperialist powers and 2 Imperialist superpowers.

It no more remains an anti-imperialist contradiction, imperialism at one pole of this contradiction gets transformed into something of a higher order 'hegomonism.

The 3 worldists state :The 2nd world Countries exploit the oppressed nations and are at the same time bullied by the superpowers.

They have a dual charater ,and stand in contradiction with both the first and third worlds. But they are still a force in the 3rd world and can win over or unite with in he struggle against hegemonism.

According to such caricaturists of Leninism,it is not a question of making a distinction between the chief hegemonistic power and secondary hegoministic powers and making use of the contradicton between the 2,but the question of handling a new fundamental contradiction between the hegemonistic imperialist superpowers and allegedly anti-hegemonist imperialist powers so as to unite he latter in the world-wide struggle for overthrowing hegemonism which turns out to be the target of world proletarian revolution.

It's present anti-hegemonic sate of development, preceding the stage of Socialist Revolution for overthrow of world Imperialism.

Even if the east European countries and Japan have a thousand and one ties with the United States and face the menace faced by Soviet Social Imperialism their objective struggle against the over-bearing U.S.Imperialism is to attain 'equal partnership',

So long as U.S.A, continues it's policy of control they will not cease the struggle against such control and for equal partnership.

This 'equal partnership' is being sought in the predatory imperialist alliance for perpetuating and intensifying oppression and exploitation of under-developed countries, and contending with Social Imperialism for this neo-colonial loot. U.S Imperialism, seeks through it's policy of control, to limit the scope of Imperialist contention and loot o part of these powers, they, through their struggle against such control seek to enlarge the scope, and the friction between the 2 sides, on this score, is just another dimension of the fundamental contradiction between U.S.A and these countries as Imperialist powers.

This year when Zaire was repelling the armed invasion of Soviet Union ,France supported them logistically. Could the entry of French Imperialist troops,in Zaire, with the help of Belgium, and America, to boost up the efforts of the lackey Mobutu clique be called supporting 3rd world's struggle against hegemonism'.

If Cuban troops, East German and Soviet Union military advisors were engaged in building up military forces of the lackey N.A .T.O clique of Angola in repelling South Africa Armed Invasion masterminded by U.S Imperialism thy were supporting third world struggle against hegemonism.

Mao had said "referring to the phenomenan of intensifying contention among imperialist powers:

Their embroilment is to our advantage.

We,the Socialist Countries, should pursues the policy of consolidation ourselves and not yielding a single inch of land.

We will struggle against anyone who makes us do so.We certainly will support the anti-imperialist struggles of the people in Asia, Africa and Latin America and the revolutionary struggle of he people o fall countries.

'As for the relation of Imperialist Countries and ourselves 'they are among us an we are among them; support the peoples revolutions in their countries and they conduct subversive activities in ours. We have our men in their mist Our assessment of the international situation is that the embroilment of the imperialist countries contending for colonies is the greater contradiction.

They try to cover up contradictions between themselves by playing up their contradictions with us. We can make use of their contradictions lot an be one in this connection. This is a matter of importance for our external policy.

The 3 worldists give the status of sovereignty and political independence to several nations of Asia ,Africa and Latin America where independence was merely a 'transfer of power' and thus under estimate or ignore neo-colonialism.

In a great majority of former colonies independence are superficial and virtually transferred to another ruling Comprador bourgeoisie class tied to Imperialism.

Even popular nationalistic regimes were replaced with reactionary regimes.

The 3 worldists defend the lackey reactionary state power in the 3rd world Countries by stating hat "By excercising the state power in their hands, the independent 3rd world countries have gained broader arenas and more means to carry on their struggle than in the past.

This glorifies the political role of he states of this region.

Through the eclectic method of knocking together ,into a hybrid whole ,phenomena of different order or differentiating phenomena of essentially similar nature, Into qualitatively different categories,the '3 world theorists', mutilate the fundamental contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations and he fundamental contradictions between the various imperialist powers, transforming the reactionary ruling clique in underdeveloped countries into the main anti-imperialist force and the imperialist ruling cliques in highly developed capitalist countries into an anti-hegemonistic force.

All the revisionist acrobatics of the '3 worldists are meant or selling their line of unadulterated class collaboration and tying up of the proletarian and other evolutionary forces to the boot laces of the ruling cliques of the 3rd World an the 2nd world ,both for renouncing revolutionary tasks concerning the struggles against unjust criminal inter-imperialist war.

Deng Xiaoping called for uniting with U.S Imperialism in the struggle against Soviet Social Imperialism,terming the latter as he principal enemy.

The differentiation between U.S Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism is a distortion of logic.

They say that U.S Imperialism has over-reached itself and all it can do at present is to strive to protect it's interests and go over to the defensive in it's strategy.

How can it go on the defensive if it seeks exclusive hegemony in contention with Social Imperialism.

In the criminal imperialist operation of forcible redivison of the world, where each superpower seeks to realize exclusive world hegemony ,the circumstance of U.S Imperialism having to fight in a state of strategic defensive, that is,having more to exert in retaining and consolidating it's earlier huge colonial exploits than I seizing new territories, does in no way change the predatory character of its endeavour before and during the outbreak of imperialist war.

A superpower may deploy an offensive strategy or go over to the defensive in it s overall strategy, the imperialist striving for seizing or retaining colonial possessions through military means is equally predatory in both cases.

It gives no scope to International proletarian revolutionary movement for meting out differential treatment to Soviet Social Imperialism and U.S Imperialism.

There is another absurd analysis where the 3 world theorists feel that U.S Imperialism has been exposed in the eyes of the World people, but Soviet Social Imperialism pretends to be a liberating Socialist power ,thus it is more dangerous.

However is a Marxist Leninist tactic to treat the politically less exposed enemy as the 'primary target' and the notorious one as the secondary target..(3 worldists say that progressive World opinion is already familiar with he true nature of U.S Imperialism and will go o fighting it but that is not the case with Soviet Social Imperialism which wears a mask of being Socialist)Even if as some military experts claim that he Soviet Union has a marginal military edge, this would hardly have ay significance as the capability or role of either of them as a aggressive imperialist superpower would not be reduced and would be irrelevant to the formulating of policy of the international proletarian movement.

4..Notes on Student movement in China  in 1989.

"The student protests raised slogans against corruption and for "democracy" No organized proletarian leadership was present.

Thus the reactionary elements could divert he unrest into a reactionary Democracy movement.

The bitter faction between the 2 rival factions within the C.P.C for power between Zhao Ziyang and the Deng Xiaoping clique and the contradiction between the erstwhile Soviet Social Imperialism and American Imperialism influenced it.

Workers economic demands were sidetracked. eg.price ries and unemployment.

True large sections of workers joined the agitation and the 'Internationale' song was sung.

One cannot blame the students as they were fed o the propaganda of he rightist Zhao Ziyang forces.

They were hardly aware of the gains in Socialist China where democracy was practiced to the greatest extent.

The student protest were at their peak in 1985 directed against price rise, corruption, nepotism of officials , Japanese economic invasion etc.

Ultimately however they were diverted into political reform an lacked proletarian evolutionary content.

This so called democracy movement is anti-communist, reactionary and counter revolutionary The dissenters were utilizing he growing disaffections amongst the people-students in particular against the Deng clique.

This disaffection mainly urban based.

The peasantry hardly participated. The confused and misled student community and sections of the working population were drawn into it.

The various twists and turns and ups and downs of the movement show the leadership's links with the various contending imperialist powers and within the feuding capitalist factions of the C.P.C. itself.

Fang Lizhi tc acted as Chinese Sakharovs ."

China was a Socialist State from 1956 to 1978 before Deng Xiaoping reversed policies of the state.

In the Maoist era the Working class was given every avenue to assert it's democratic right and we must remember the Big character posters that came to the forefront in the cultural revolution. Corruption, unemployment and price-rise was hardly a issue in the Maoist era.

I the cultural revolution corrupt officials were openly punished)In the Maoist era mass movements such as those in the Cultural revolution represented those aspirations of the Working class while in the Student Movement it expressed mainly those of the rival rightist Zhao Ziyang faction representing Western bourgeois democratic countries.

5. Refuting attacks on Lenin Stalin and Mao

A section of Communist revolutionary forces is getting engaged in analyzing and debating the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the cause of capitalist restoration in the erstwhile countries ,and is ending up with he verdicts of the alleged mistakes of Comrades Stalin and Mao.

That is tantamount to affirming in practice the very link between the recent developments in revisionist countries and t he past practices of Socialism which need to be refuted, and so lends credibility to the propaganda plank of the bourgeoisie.

These comrades have hardly thought over what the alleged mistakes were of Stalin and Mao and the relevance of their reviews of the available theory and practice of Socialism to heir task of countering the bourgeois propaganda. It is not clear which target group they have in mind- ,which can hardly be the common masses of the people. Analysis and debate concerning the Theory and practice of socialism amongst Communist Revolutionary forces s necessary.

However open debate is for correcting or refuting ideological deviations and not for seeking unanimity of views between contending sides.

A so called friendly public debate serves only to ad to the confusion of the people. It actually hides the character of the conflict of views behind it's friendly signboard thus lowering the guard of the revolutionary masses against hostile ideological tendencies, secondly it invariably projects a lot of loud-thinking and tentative stands of the participants.

Organised Communist Revolutionaries are expected to provide reliable leadership to the democratic revolutionary movement o he India people, can not afford too such a thing.

The current offensive of the bourgeoise is against the concept of the Leninist party, especially the class distinctive politics and the democratic centralist organization of the party.

The Communist revolutionaries should come out in defence of the party concept, but give greater attention to the building o the party. That would be he most appropriate step in countering the bourgeoisie propaganda offensive.

The class enemy would train it's guns at the dictatorship of the proletariat, the party and the great revolutionary leaders. The class enemy's frenzied attacks should make the Communist Revolutionaries better appreciate these precious assets and prompt them to grasp, defend and promote the same vein more firmly.

They should never look back and only The criticism of the revolutionary masses, for the advancement of the revolutionary cause, should prompt Communist Revolutionaries to analyze and ponder over any faults and defects and where it lies.

 The C.R movement must show sympathy to those sections that strive to fight their ideological drift, however their curiosity and anxieties cannot be allowed to distort the sense of proportion and priority of the organized movement..

6. Kashmir nationality question

The present onslaught of the Indian State on the J.K.LF is totally unjustified because Kashmir never actually became a part of the Indian Union.

In fact the Indian Constitution provided for Article 370 which ensured the right of Self-determination for Kashmiri People.

It must be remembered that the present Indian semi-colonial Semi-feudal State is a legacy of the British.

In the present Kashmiri movement there are positive aspects and negative aspects. The positive aspect is that it involves the broad masses of the Kashmir people and has also been secular maintaining the long secular tradition f the Kashmiri people.

There have been several heroic clashes of the unarmed Kashmiri masses combating the Indian Para -Military Forces, in contrast to terrorist actions of militants.

Despite the Hindu revivalist policies of the Indian State (To retrieve Hindutva and build a temple in the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid Area-destroying the mosque) the Kashmiri people have remained basically secular, not falling prey to Islamic Fundamentalism.

The negative features of the J.K.L.F are their national reformist outlook.

They have been unable to arouse the peasantry and have also been supportive of movements like the Palestinian Intifada and the East European movements to topple backward regimes. They also seek support of bourgeois states.

This force has also been unable to demarcate from the Communalist Fascist Actions of the Muslim Fundamentalist Outfits like the Hizbul-Muzahideen,who threatened the common people.

This group is openly communal. As a result of the looseness in the J.K.L.F leaders politics such Groups gained political Ascendancy.

They are also launching attacks on the Hindu Community in Kashmir to communalize the situation by dividing the people.

The J.K.L.F ,unfortunately is not effectively countering such propoganda. The pegging the Kashmiri National movement to the partial political aim of exercising political determination, towards carving out a separate Kashmir State, without challenging the neo-colonial Grip of Imperialism.

Only if the Kashmiri democratic Forces ,having anti-imperialist anti-feudal political orientation ,gain ascendancy, and if all the active fraternal support of all the oppressed masses is secured on the basis of common interests, would the Kashmiri National Movement be able to withstand the strong enemy pressure and the Challenge of Fundamentalist Forces.

Important Notes.

a.The Integrity of a democratic State is determined by the national integrity of it`s people which itself is the end product of the Objective Integration and the Economic, social and Cultural Life of the People and the attendant national Consciousness and commitment. Likewise,the Integrity of a multi-national Democratic State is determined by the Voluntary Union of the Constituent nations or People`s ,on the basis of equal Status, mutual respect and mutual benefit. Then ,the Integrity of a State is regarded as inviolable.

b.There is no conflict of National Interests amongst various peoples of India. Their National Interests converge on the common basics task of overthrowing the basic rule of Imperialism and it`s Subservient Indian Partners, for opening up the path of self-reliant democratic development.

c.The basic interests of the Indian People in general, as against those of the Indian Rulers, are incompatible with the National Oppression of or discrimination against any of the Constituent Nationalities of India. That is the objective basis for them to raise the banner of unity of all the Indian People in contest with the Indian Rulers banner of integrity of the Indian State. Unless this objective basis finds tangible expression in their actual opposition to National Oppression or relative National discrimination, the banner of all the Indian People’s Unity cannot acquire credibility with those nationalities that have grievances with their relative discrimination. The most comprehensive version of such an opposition is the firm stand of upholding the right of every constituent Nationality of India to National Self Determination.

d.The Kashmiri people have the exclusive right to decide their own national Status and identity, and that any extraneous pressure or use of force to deny or distort the exercise of this right by the Kashmiri People is Impermissible.

1 comment:

Anonymous said...

Harsh Thakor is on the right track,however he should come out and openly embrace Bob Avakian's New Synthesis.