Saturday, November 29, 2008

Chinese assistance to Nepal increased

Source : TGW

The government of China has increased its annual grant assistance to Nepal from 88 million of Nepali currency to 1 billion.

Sources at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have it that during the forthcoming visit of the Chinese Foreign Minister to Nepal, an agreement would be signed between the two sides agreeing to increase the said assistance.

The Chinese Foreign Minister Mr. Yang Jiechi is arriving Nepal on December 2, 2008 at the invitation of Nepal’s Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav.

Reports add, “The grant assistance will be spent on various Chinese funded development projects in Nepal”.

“It is also expected that the Nepali side will raise the issue of Chinese soft-loan or financial assistance for the Upper Trishuli Hydro Electric Project”, reports conclude

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Friday, November 28, 2008

Maoists determined to establish people’s republic: Mahara

Minister for Information and Communications Krishna Bahadur Mahara on Thursday said that his party is firmly determined to propel the country towards the path of people’s republic.

Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara
According to media reports, Mahara, who is also a senior leader of the CPN (Maoist), made the remark while talking to journalists at a programme held in Pokhara.

He further stated, “The recent decision of our national-level cadres’ meet to adopt ‘People’s Federal Democratic National Republic’ is based on the strategic appraisal of the country’s prevailing realities.”

He, however, was quick to add that the Maoists are not against the notion of competitive politics. “But, we, in no way, will succumb to the parliamentary system,” Mahara further remarked.

Mahara also disclosed that efforts are being made to incorporate the Nepali Congress, the main opposition, in a special committee for army integration

Thursday, November 27, 2008

Maoist policy helping rightists, says Khanal

The Maoist policy of pursuing People’s Republic is only helping the right wingers, according to general secretary of ruling coalition partner Unified Marxist Leninist

He accused the Maoists of diverting the attention from constitution-making by raising issues of people’s republic.

“The Maoists are advocating people’s republic by forgetting the achievements made by people’s revolution. It will only help rightists,” he said, speaking in Pokhara, Wednesday.

“We are trying to consolidate democratic republic while the Maoists are rooting for people’s republic,” he said.

Khanal added that the Maoists were committing grave mistake by terming Nepali Congress (NC) as their enemy following the abolition of monarchy.

He said NC, too, is a friendly transformational force.

His comments have come even as the Maoists have decided to adopt “People’s Federal Democratic National Republic” as their main policy.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Maoist cadres' conference adopts new strategy

The six-day long national cadres' conference of the CPN (Maoist) held at Kharipati of Bhaktapur ended Wednesday evening, adopting new strategy which, according to party leaders, is a 'synthesis' of separate policy documents presented by Prachanda and organisation department chief Mohan Baidya (Kiran).

Talking to reporters after the conclusion of the national conference, party spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara said the conference has adopted a slogan 'people's federal democratic national republic', which pretty much sums up the immediate strategy of the party.

The national conference adopted the strategy after intense brainstorming over the documents of Prachanda and Baidya( Kiran), Mahara informed claiming that the decisions taken at the conference "have brought party unity to a new height".

Leaders said the new strategy seeks to institutionalise democratic republican order while keeping the option of "gradual advancement towards people's republic" open.

During the group-wise debate, the cadres gave a clear thumps-up to Prachanda's document, but suggested that leadership come up with a single document by merging the two. Owing to their pressure and to avert looming leadership crisis the party stalwarts had agreed to merge the two proposals.

1200 senior party workers including People's Liberation Army commanders had participated in the national conference.

Tuesday, November 25, 2008

Cadres to decide political proposals says Party spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara

With central committee meeting of the CPN (Maoist) getting drawn out, the national cadres' conference of the party called for today to endorse the political document has been postponed till 8 am Wednesday.

The central committee meeting held at Kharipati, Bhaktapur, which was armed at merging the two papers presented by party chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' and party's organisational department chief Mohan Baidya 'Kiran' as per the suggestions by party cadres, ended in the evening.

Speaking to reporters, party spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara said the central committee decided to leave it to the national cadres' conference to decide on the political proposals. He said the CC was positive about presenting a single political document at the conference.

"The national conference will give a clear message of unity," he said.

"The central committee made very positive exercise on forming integrated documents," he said.

However, another Maoist leader Dinanath Sharma has said that chairman Prachanda's document will be presented at the conference on Wednesday after incorporating suggestions and recommendations."The conference will pass the document," he said.

Earlier in the morning, Dahal and Baidya held a meeting at Baluwatar to incorporate ideas from both the papers and make it one.

The final document will determine the strategies and future policies of the party. Majority of the 1200 senior cadres assembled in Kharipati have supported Prachanda's line.

Prachanda and Baidya (Kiran) papers being merged into new agreed document

As the central committee meeting of the CPN (Maoist) lengthened, the national meet of the party cadres called for today to endorse the political document has been postponed for Wednesday.

The central committee meeting is underway at Kharipati, Bhaktapur in their attempt to merge the two papers presented by Prachanda Dahal and party's organisational department chief Mohan Baidya as per the suggestions by party cadres.

Prachanda and Baidya held meeting at Baluwatar this morning to incorporate ideas from both the papers and make it one.

The final document will determine the current strategies and future policies of the party. The cadres meet failed finalise on the two separate documents. Majority of them supported the line taken up by Prachanda while few supported hardliner Baidya's line. Others suggested two leaders to come into negotiation point incorporating ideas from both the papers.

Monday, November 24, 2008

Maoists appear to be tilting towards Prachanda's viewpoint

KATHMANDU: The Maoist hardliners bid to gain support among partymen for the establishment of a single-party rule in Nepal seems to be losing out, with Prime Minister Prachanda's view to continue multi-party system seems on the verge of receiving endorsement by the party Congress.

But question mark still hangs over whether in the long run the Maoists will stick to this concept or abandon it midway, political analysts said as National Workers Conference has twice run into a logjam over the issue.

The main objective of the convention was to debate two parallel reports of Maoists future objectives -- one floated by Prachanda and the other by party Mohan Vaidya aka Kiran.

But so far the sea-saw battle has seen no winners, party sources said.

However, Prachanda, whose nom-de-guerra means "fierce one," has succeeded in converting a majority of partymen to his idea of state.

"Eighty per cent of the members have voiced their support for the chairman's political document," said a Central Committee member from the prime minister's faction.

Prachanda, whose political document to consolidate a "democratic republic" was rejected by majority of hardcore workers in the 13 state committees of the CPN-Maoist emerged stronger as the party's National Workers Conference comes near to its conclusion today, sources said.

Vaidya's political document that aims to immediately establish "People's Republic" or communist republic had received support from majority of 1,100 hardcore workers during internal discussions of the party's various state committees last week

Source The Economic Times:

Sunday, November 23, 2008

Cadres' convention continues to debate two reports

The debate over two political documents has continued at the ongoing National Convention of Cadres of the Maoists.

As the debate is not reaching any conclusion, some leaders are saying that the issue could drag till the general convention of the party.

The group wise discussion over two reports – one by party chairman and prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' and another by senior leader Mohan Baidya 'Kiran' – have completed by Sunday evening.

The group leaders would now present their views before the party leadership on Monday.

"They can air their views as they like," said party spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara.

The party is also expected to hold central committee meeting on Monday.

Group wise discussions over two political proposals continues at Maoist convention

The senior cadres of the Maoists divided into 21 groups are continuing discussions over two political proposals at the ongoing National Convention of the Cadres of the party.

The proposals – the one by party chairman and Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and the other by senior leader Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ – are being discussed in detail by the cadres.

The discussion, which started from Saturday, is expected to continue till Sunday.

Reports have said that most of the senior cadres are in favour of condensing both proposals into a single one.

The crucial convention is expected to formulate party’s strategies in the current situation. It is being held at a time when debate on whether the party should follow Prachanda’s strategy of consolidating the federal democratic republic or Kiran’s strategy of people’s republic through people’s revolt is taking place in high pitch.

Saturday, November 22, 2008

The Question of the Future of the Revolution by Mao Zedong

Thanks to Kasama pointing to importance of this article for clarification about current debate over the future Revolution in Nepal.

This piece has a dual importance: It reveals Mao’s view on the connection between the anti-Japanese war and the socialist revolution. In China, the anti-japanese war was a “substage” in the larger anti-feudal new democratic revolution — and that new democratic revolution was the opening of the communist revolution.

And, by publishing it, Red Star ( Paper of the CPN Maoist) is affirming (and promoting) a commitment to continuing and deepening the revolution in Nepal — to leaping beyong the current anti-monarchist “substage,” and upholding further leaps to socialism.

WIN THE MASSES IN THEIR MILLIONS FOR THE ANTI- JAPANESE NATIONAL UNITED FRONT May 7, 1937 [This was the concluding speech made by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at the National Conference of the Communist Party of China, held in May 1937.]

Some comrades have raised this question, and here I can only give a brief answer.

In the writing of an article the second half can be written only after the first half is finished. Resolute leadership of the democratic revolution is the prerequisite for the victory of socialism. We are fighting for socialism, and in this respect we are different from those who confine themselves to the revolutionary Three People’s Principles. It is the great future goal to which our present efforts are directed if we lose sight of the goal, we cease to be Communists. But equally we cease to be Communists if we relax our efforts of today.

We are exponents of the theory of the transition of the revolution and we are for the transition of the democratic revolution in the direction of socialism. The democratic revolution will develop through several stages, all under the slogan of a democratic republic. The change from the predominance of the bourgeoisie to that of the proletariat is a long process of struggle, of struggle for leadership in which success depends on the work of the Communist Party in raising the level of political consciousness and organization both of the proletariat and of the peasantry and urban petty bourgeoisie.

The staunch ally of the proletariat is the peasantry, and next comes the urban petty bourgeoisie. It is the bourgeoisie that will contend with us for leadership.

To overcome the vacillation of the bourgeoisie and its lack of revolutionary thoroughness we must rely on the strength of the masses and on the correctness of our policy, or otherwise the bourgeoisie will come out on top.

A bloodless transition is what we would like and we should strive for it, but what will happen will depend on the strength of the masses.

We are exponents of the theory of the transition of the revolution, and not of the Trotskyite theory of “permanent revolution’’. We are for the attainment of socialism by going through all the necessary stages of the democratic republic. We are opposed to tailism, but we are also opposed to adventurism and impetuosity.

To reject the participation of the bourgeoisie in the revolution on the ground that it can only be temporary and to describe the alliance with anti-Japanese sections of the bourgeoisie (in a semi-colonial country) as capitulation is a Trotskyite approach, with which we cannot agree. Today such an alliance is in fact a necessary bridge on the way to socialism.

Friday, November 21, 2008

Cadres at Kharipati in Bhaktapur debate future of Nepalese Revolution

Prime Minister and chairman of the CPN-Maoist Prachanda today said debates at the national-level cadres meeting would further strengthen the party’s unity with“new commitment, courage and ideological clarity”.

Around 1,100 senior party cadres have assembled at Kharipati in Bhaktapur to discuss two rival political documents prepared by Prachanda and Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’.The meet will continue for three days, according to the coordinator of the event Hitman Shakya ‘Suman’.

During his inaugural speech, which was open to the media, Prachanda dwelt on mostly on emphasising party unity and ideological clarity, hinting that the party was passing through an ideological debate.He said reactionary elements had tried their best to divide the party during the People’s War.“They had even tried to create fissures among us during the peace process,” he said. “But they failed to divide us.

Their political calculations also failed after we emerged the largest party following the CA polls.”He warned the reactionaries within the country and outside not to dream of creating any political and ideological division in the party.“We sailed through such crises ever since we waged the People’s War,” he said. “It’s not easy to divide a party that has created a strong base among the people.”

Prachanda also said his party was capable of managing “ideological crisis” and taking only calculated “politicalrisks” to move forward in a united manner.He said the whole world and people of Nepal were keenly watching as to what sort of political and ideological course the party would adopt. The people are hopeful that the party would remain intact and take the right direction to lead the nation towards prosperity and stability.“Ours is the only party of which the people have high expectations,” he said.

Prachanda - Maoist party will not split

Addressing the National Conference of the Cadres, Friday, Prime Minister and party chairman Prachanda' has ruled out any possibility of split.

Amid the tabling of two different political reports at the conference, Prachanda said that the conference will further consolidate the Maoist party.

He also said there was no alternative to the Maoists for developing the country.

"After three months of the current government, there are some suspicions if this government is able to deliver. But there is no alternative. Only this revolutionary government can ensure better future," he said.

He also said that the attention of both domestic and foreign power centers were on this conference of the Maoists. He said that dreams of some regarding split in the Maoists will never materialise.

1,000 senior Maoist cadre from are taking part in the five-day assembly on Democracy and Socialism in Nepal

Around 1,000 senior Maoist cadre from across Nepal are taking part in the five-day assembly.

"We will hold vigorous discussions on this topic and we will reach a scientific conclusion that will chart a new course for Nepal and the party," said Maoist leader Sudan Kirati.

Party central committee member Dinanath Sharma said the assembly was looking for a style of government that specifically suited Nepal.

"The new system may not be a Westminster parliamentary system, an American-style presidential system or a traditional communist system," said Sharma.

"We plan to develop a new Nepali system," the senior Maoist said.
Despite the disagreements, any significant split in the party is unlikely, according to Nepal's Maoist peace and reconstruction minister Janardan Sharma.

"There are issues that will be decided by the national cadre meeting. Anyone expecting the party to split can dream on. It's not going to happen,"

Sharma told the English language weekly Nepali Times.

Wednesday, November 19, 2008

The Future of the Nepalese Revolution

Below are two contributions from Red Star the paper of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on the current democratic debate about the future direction of the Revolution in Nepal.

Both contributions below are from central committee members and reflect the current ideological struggle which in underway in Nepal.

People’s Republic is the fundamental goal of a Communist Party - Agni Sapkota

Nepal is establishing a new model of peace and change, under the leadership of the CPN (Maoist). The political line of Nepali revolution determined by the Unity Congress held in 1992 after a scientific and objective synthesis of the experiences of the 20th century revolutions and counter-revolutions; the third expanded meeting determined the strategy and tactics of the People’s War based on the party line of the Unity Congress. The People’s War began on 13 February; the preparation, initiation and the development of the People’s War was quite original and carried forth in a creative way. After five years of the initiation of the people’s war, the party synthesized the ideology as Prachandapath, as a developed ideology to lead the revolution.

From that point, the party realized the importance of a new synthesis for all the achievements, developments, experiences and lessons. Now, an ideological and political debate is going on inside and outside of the party. The debate is going on sharply in the form of a discussion to synthesize the ideological, political, organizational as well as the military sectors. The issue of the Federal Democratic Republic is at the centre of the debate. The party had put forward a new proposal in “The development of democracy in the 21st century” in 2004 by developing the newly synthesized ideology of Prachandapath, developed from the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on the soil of Nepal. The new proposal was forwarded through a 12-point understanding to the Constituent Assembly and the people have ratified it. Our party has become the largest party in the Constituent Assembly through multi-party competition. It has already been agreed, in essence, for ‘the development of democracy in the 21st century’: things such as the republic, multiparty competition, federalism etc. However, there are efforts to overturn the decisions that have already been reached by the agreement and are ratified. I am trying to synthesise the main issues to advance the discussion ahead.

Our party is advancing through the strategic offensive by crossing the stage of strategic defensive and equilibrium. Our party has already clarified that the main aspiration of the political strategy is to accomplish the new people’s democratic revolution by carrying out the strategic offensive in an original and creative way. It is obvious that the People’s Republic will be established after the accomplishment of a new people’s democratic revolution. However, the party is moving ahead with the ideology of MLM. Likewise, the party is creatively developing the political power. A new proposal regarding to the relation between state power and the communities of the people has been put forward in the proposal of ‘the development of democracy in the 21st Century’.

Instead of formal democracy and bureaucratic centralism, the actual democratic dictatorship can be strengthened through a broad live process of democratization. There is no difference of opinion within the party to go ahead to the People’s Republic. However, the republic that is going to be institutionalized in Nepal will not be a copy of other countries. Major emphasis will not be given to the mechanical relationship to assist only communist parties among the anti-feudal and the anti-imperialist parties, but also emphasis will be given to the dialectical relationship which creates the environment for a democratic political competition to serve the people.

The current debate is not about a democratic republic or a People’s Republic, but it is rather centralized between the Parliamentary Republic and People’s Republic.

Hence, there is not even a single debate about whether to go ahead to the People’s Republic in our party. Rather, intensive efforts are being undertaken to weaken party unity by stretching the issues unnecessarily.

Our party has frequently stated that we have not come to the mainstream of the traditional parliamentary system. We are fully committed to institutionalize the Federal Republic according to the necessity of 21st century and the Nepalese conditions. Politically independent, economically prosperous, advanced and progressive is the vision of the new Nepal. Based on these assumptions, our party has developed a new conception of the acceptance of the multi-party competition not only in the People’s Republic but also in the stage of socialist system.

Our party has clearly stated that an independent and people-oriented republic with multi-party competition should be developed instead of the old parliamentary system that is worthless to the people. The party has moved ahead by introducing an optional model of People’s Republic rather than the model developed during the period of Mao in China. There was no federalism in Mao’s democracy; but we are talking about a new federal republican system in Nepal. Hence, the democracy that we are trying to develop is a more advanced democracy than the Chinese Republic.

The new conception of our party is to establish the system with multi-party competition that protects the interest and the well-being of the majority of the people. The current federal republic has been established not only through debates and discussion, but also through the foundation of People’s War by the proletarian class under their own leadership, after destroying the old feudal system. Hence, it will be regressive notion if somebody imagines the reestablishment of an already demolished state system.

In the state power with multi-party competition, the fundamental norms and values including civic freedom, fundamental rights, human rights, voting rights, child rights, periodical elections, freedom of press etc will be maintained according to characteristics and necessities of the 21st century. Furthermore, in the new state power, there will be a competition to justify the commitment towards the class and the people through dedication, devotion and sacrifice uniting with the people.

The basic pillars of the new state power will be liberation of people from class, caste, regional and gender repression, federalism with the right of self-determination and freedom for anti-imperialist and anti-feudalist parties. The revolution is not yet complete. The historical responsibility of true revolutionaries is to establish a new Republic Nepal, which will be politically free, economically prosperous, culturally advanced and progressive. Therefore, the People’s Republic is the fundamental goal of a communist party; however, the People’s Republic will be according to the needs and specificities of the 21st century, and not a traditional one.

Writer is a central committee member of CPN (Maoist).

The differences of opinion within our party by Netra Bikram Chand ‘Biplap’

We should say honestly that there is a difference of opinion on how to accomplish the Nepalese Revolution. Mainly, the difference of opinion is about the party line, political program and tactics in our party. This clearly justifies that a serious u-turn has occurred before the Nepalese Revolution. The responsibility of carrying the revolution ahead successfully has fallen upon the shoulders of the revolutionary communists of Nepal and the revolutionary communists of the world. We all should direct our attention to it.

1) The difference of opinion on political program:

The main bone of contention is whether the party should advance ahead for People’s Republic or stay in the stage of democratic republic. In our central committee meeting held from 4 to 6 October 2008, Party Chairman, Comrade Prachanda put forward a program to remain in the Democratic Republic. His spoken proposal pointed out the necessity of the tactics of democratic republic; there is no favorable situation to advance into the People’s Republic. On the contrary, he pointed out the need to synthesize the ideology based on the achievements gained up until democratic republic. After the proposal of Com. Prachanda, Com. Kiran disagreed with the program of democratic republic, and put forward a written proposal for a People’s Republic. Com. Kiran proposed that the appropriateness of the democratic republic is over and the party should advance ahead towards the People’s Republic.

We must understand some of the aspects that the declared and authentic political program of our party was from the beginning a new People’s Democracy. According to the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the central question of the People’s War is to achieve people’s state power and that is the new people’s power. This objective has not changed until now. An interesting aspect is that the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Unified Marxist and Leninist (UML) are more active in the operation of the state than during the period of the monarchy, when the PW began. The Parliamentarians carried out barbaric repressions against us. Viewed from this aspect, the People’s War was against even the multiparty parliamentary system. Our slogan was, “Let’s not remain under the illusion of parliamentary system! Let’s prepare for a new people’s democratic revolution!”

When the PW was advancing ahead to its climax, King Gyanendra took power in his hands through a ‘coup’ over the parliamentary parties. Let us remember that this was a fascist step to reverse the defeat of parliamentarians and the victory of the people through PW. The ‘coup’ of Gyanendra polarized the situation. The Democratic republic was the outcome of this polarization. At that time, we had a clear conception that the democratic republic will only be a transitional tactic for a united front with parliamentary parties against the monarchy.

The transitional tactics show that the tactics for the democratic republic are not the tactics to replace the new People’s Republic; rather it was the tactics for the new People’s Republic that has ended along with the abolition of monarchy and the establishment of republic in the country.

The class character of the democratic republic is of a bourgeois class character. After the constituent assembly, the monarchy has been abolished and the republic has been established, however, there is no change in its class character. The party has reached up to the super structure of the state power, the constituent assembly government; but all of the bases belong to the old class power. The economy, military organization, administrative structure and the laws are of the old power. There is no possibility to hand those bases over to the people by a simple process or by peaceful means. For this, a new political program is necessary to be taken among the people. It is clear that remaining in the democratic republic instead of advancing forward to the People’s Republic is to distance the goal of building the people’s power according to the basic programs related to Marxism under the leadership of the proletarian class; and stumbling and being stuck into the parliamentary morass under the bourgeois class state power. These are the main differences between democratic republic and the People’s Republic.

2. The strategic difference:

The second difference is on how to accomplish the Nepalese revolution; by insurrection or by peaceful struggle. Although our party has reached to this stage through the line of the people’s War, armed struggle and the strategy of insurrection, we had said that there was a little possibility of a peaceful development of revolution as we had entered into the peaceful process 2 years ago.

Even though we accepted that type of possibility in a specific time, however, it is impossible in such a country like ours. However, some of our comrades in the leadership are in favour of peaceful transition through the democratic republic. This tendency is talking about insurrection while at the same time it is breaking down the bases of the insurrection (the fusion of PLA, sending the professional revolutionaries back to their homes, sending them to hold jobs, giving emphasis only in the economic reform and the economic willfulness within party clearly show it). It has brought the peaceful transition before in practice. We have our opinion that the specialty of the Nepalese revolution is necessarily armed and, in this way, the revolution will succeed.

For that, the PLA should be consolidated instead of fusing them, and the full-timer cadres should be given political work instead of sending them back home.

In the strategic issue, Chairman Comrade Prachanda and some other comrades say that the revolution is possible from the top-level through the government and the legislative-parliament. However, in our opinion, it is only the minor aspect, and the main aspect is a People’s revolt; and it should be so. The government and the legislative-parliament should change what they can, but it is not possible to shatter the old state power, which has army, administration, law and capitalism. There is possibility of a simple reform; however, the birth of a new power is impossible just through simple reform. Therefore, the strategy of top-level intervention is connected with peaceful strategy and it is not a matter over simple tactics. This is the second difference of opinion.

3. The tactical difference:

The third difference of opinion is on whether we should apply the tactics of class struggle or the tactics of reform. Chairman Comrade Prachanda has presented the tactics into 4-points: 1) the writing of a new constitution, 2) building new army by fusing the two armies, 3) extension of the publicity of the budget, 4) development and construction. He argues that the insurrection will be in the struggle of writing constitution or in the fusion of the army etc.

Our opinion is that these afore mentioned points are the points to be used in tactics, however, these points are not revolutionary but reformist in essence. These points can be the points of reform and compromise; but these are not the points to ensure the insurrection. These points have governmental specialty, but they are not unique to the party.

Along with it, it is necessary for a strong People’s Liberation Army, a large scale of the devoted cadres and a clear plan for the struggle. In our opinion, these points can be used only to show, but the party should fix the revolutionary tactics. Mainly, the tactics should be to hit strongly upon the bases and the bodies of the comprador capitalist power and shatter them. To do so, the struggle should be oriented to shatter the old economic base, the arenas of the comprador capitalist and the old cultural structure. Simultaneously, the tactics should be to raise the peasant movement, dissolution of the old army from inside and outside; to hand over the power to the people. Likewise, the tactics should be applied to make united front among patriots and communists and run the struggle by giving top priority to nationalism. These points will fulfill the role of revolutionary tactics. Recently, we have our opinion that some of the tactical-points can be implemented through the government’s side by putting the revolutionary tactics at the front. Otherwise, the implementation of the tactics, separated from the revolutionary tactics, will necessarily be trapped in reformism and will be dissolved into negotiationism.

In totality, we have our own opinion that the political program, strategy and tactics proposed by the Chairman Com. Prachanda represent reformism. If we advance ahead through these tactics, it is clear that our party will be drowned into the swamp of reformism up over its head. The only solution is that the party should advance ahead through the political program of the People’s Republic, the strategy of insurrection and the tactics of class struggle. It will accomplish the Nepalese people’s revolution, although it is risky.

Writer is a central committee member of CPN (Maoist).

First Published in Red Star of CPN Maoist - There is a link on right side of this page under friends and comrades.

Fierce Debate by the Fierce One - Prachanda on Democratic Republic

After the meeting between party chairman and prime minister Prachanda’ and his former mentor and senior party ideologue of Maoists Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ failed to produce any understanding, Tuesday, the central committee meeting of the party resuming from Wednesday is expected to witness stormy debate between the two camps.

Both Prachanda and Kiran have registered separate political report at the meeting, which started on Monday.

While Prachanda’s document backs consolidating the federal democratic republic through usage of terms like transitional republic, Kiran has come out, unequivocally, with a proposal to go for people’s republic through people’s revolt.

This is said to be the first time that party chairman Prachanda has faced such a serious challenge over his leadership from within his party.

The central committee meeting is taking place ahead of National Cadres’ Conference slated to begin from Thursday. The conference is expected to finalise the party’s strategy in current situation

Barburam Bhattarai is said to be working on a compromise document of the two positions.

Tuesday, November 18, 2008

We need a new International - Samir Amin

– Prof. Samir Amin, Marxist Economist

Can you tell us about yourself briefly and your views on Marxism?

I qualify myself as an activist, maybe an intellectual activist. My whole active life was deeply connected with the liberation movements in Africa during the late 40’s, 50’s and 60’s and the after; that is roughly I could say the Bandung period, starting from 1955. That struggle has changed more than any other struggle, possibly, in the last 50 years.

I was and I am an economist and therefore also a Marxist. And, I don’t recognize the qualification of neo-Marxist. I consider a Marxist as starting from Marx but not stopping at Marx. That is considering that Marx thought, laid the foundations for understanding how to analyze and how to change the world. And in that the long history, as of Marx I consider that of course Lenin and especially Mao wrote and made fundamental contributions for understanding how to change the world, taking into account the fact that imperialism has divided the world into centers and peripheries. And, created the polarization at a global level and deepened it from one period to the other. And the question of the long transition to socialism had to be dealt with in a very different way from the Eurocentric, workers vision; the traditional vision of the 3rd international.

That is about myself; I’m currently the chair for the World Forum for Alternatives. Which is a network bringing together thinkers of the world from all regions of the world, north and south, whose qualifications are to be anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, of course, but anti-capitalist more than that, however, in a non-sectarian way. i.e. admitting variety of visions of what are the efficient strategies of moving ahead beyond capitalism.

In your book “The Future of Maoism” you exchange polemics with Indian Marxist V. Nandy on Marxism. Tell us something about this:

You see, the main challenge which has been probably to raise the things overlooked in what I call historical Marxism i.e. Marxism as understood by Marx. The main weakness of that historical Marxism is that it has not ever considered the consequences of the very fact that capitalism in its global expansion from the very start, because capitalism from the beginning tended to be a global system, has created the polarization of the dominant centers and dominated periphery. And that, from periods, of course, the imperialist reality has itself changed from period to period in the sense that the way it used to be defined, it has operated, has changed from place to place. That the fact is, that polarization has continuously been created, recreated and deepened from one period to another. That fundamental fact was overlooked. I think that Marx, because he was really an exceptional person, had a feeling of that reality; however, not much more than that.

Lenin started taking into account this reality, at least partly. One; by qualifying the system as becoming imperialistic, as if it had not been imperialistic before. And, one would not understand how the Americas were conquered without the vision of the imperialist expansion characteristic of the capitalist expansion. How India was colonized long before the modern monopolies of the end of the 19th century. But he had also started understanding that the polarization meant a strategy for the socialist revolution in a global level different from the one which he had inherited from the historical Marxism before him. Now, the 2nd international was terribly Eurocentric and based on exclusively the working classes, without considering the peasantry. Because, indeed, in the case of Western Europe, at least, the capitalist development had solved the agrarian question in its way. But they projected that in to the future for the others, imagining that the path that Europe has gone through will be the path laid to the other regions of the world. And, therefore, they have this Eurocentric vision, the 2nd international, which associated with pro-imperialism. We can call it social imperialism or social colonialism. Because, they considered that colonization and imperialism was bringing in ingredients for change and progress; and for peripheries catching up to becoming like centers and putting the question of the socialist revolution later in the agenda.

Lenin started understanding that this was not the case and that he was expecting a lot from the working class of the west, particularly from Germany. That the Russian revolution has started in the weak link, as he says which was in the periphery. Russia was at that time in the periphery, it was a non-industrialized country, only starting industrialization, with a vast majority of peasants, still. And he understood the fact that, he was in a way disappointed by the fact that, the (Russian) revolution was not followed by a German revolution. However, he drew the conclusion from that the revolution in now moving to the east. Remember Baku, it’s a turning point. And it’s an alliance between the workers from the Russian revolution and the peasants of the east, which will bring the 2nd wave of the revolution. And that is what actually occurred i.e. revolution moved in to the east to China, later to Vietnam, to Cuba etc. It moved to the east. And as a result of the polarization, the revolution in the east could not be a socialist revolution led by the working class.

That was a revolution of a national, popular, democratic block lead by the working class and the majority of peasants and less than poor peasants with the support of strata of middle classes, the revolutionary intelligentsia and possibly with some neutralization of some segments of bourgeois or capitalist class.

Mao was not only the 1st to do it but also analyze it, which was his specific contribution to Marxism, to living Marxism. And we are still confronted with the same challenge today in all of the rest of the south i.e. Asia, Africa, Latin America. These are societies which are, as a result of imperialist expansion, maintained in a state of peripheral capitalism with a majority of peasants. And, therefore, the revolution, which is on the agenda, will not be effective if it does not enroll the majority of those peasants in alliance with popular classes, working classes, more or less developed according to the country and with revolutionary intelligensia and so on. That is the Maoist strategy remains the only necessary strategy, for moving ahead on the road to socialism.

That is what the Indian Communists have not understood and that is what the Nepal Communists have understood. That is the Indian communists, and not only the Indian Communists, but I would say similarly the Arab Communists, similarly the Communists from South Africa, from Latin America as of the 50’s abandoned the Leninist-Maoist vision and strategy of revolution based on a strong peasant revolution, revolt; abandoned it to the benefit of supporting the national bourgeoisie, anti-imperialist block which came out of the Bandung, i.e. the type of Nehru in India, of Nasser in Egypt etc. And, abandoning that, they became the left wing of the national bourgeoisie movement defending the interests of the working classes, but not more than that, and abandoning completely the strategy of mobilizing poor peasants and starting the revolution from that end. That was corrected partly in India with the Marxist-Leninist, and some of Maoists are participating in the peasant, naxalite movements.

However, for variety of reasons that we can’t analyze in one or two sentences, I wouldn’t say that they have failed but they have not succeeded. They have not failed in the sense that the ingredient is there, the problem is there, and peasantry is there in many cases. Nevertheless, they have not succeeded in the sense that they haven’t been able to mobilize those movements to have them spreading throughout the Indian sub-continent and to establishing the links with the victims of the capitalist expansion, to working classes, to lower strata of middle classes and so on. While the Nepalese have, at least, succeeded at the first chapter of basing their struggle in peasant revolt and then making, becoming, a force able to overthrow the regime, the King and his comprador servants; and then coming in to negotiation, agreement, with other possible partners in the building of a national, popular, democratic, hegemonic alternative block; alternative to the comprador ruling class submitting to imperialism and neo-liberalism. Now that means also another point should be added.

Can you explain the Communist vision for the 21st century?

This is a vision of the long transition from capitalism to socialism. Now, the vision of the third international was a vision of a short transition i.e. the revolution, even if the revolution is not a pure socialist workers revolution, involving the peasants and other strata, it moves on quickly to a socialist revolution, and then building socialism in a very short period; whether ten years, twenty years or thirty years, it is a very short period. That was the pattern in the mind of third international. De facto, without breaking from the third international, Mao took his distance. And the theory of the new democracy was published in western languages in 1950 or 52 but which was known to the Chinese revolutionaries from the late 40’s. It was based on that new understanding of the long transition i.e. not building socialism immediately.

Many of the Chinese communists, including Mao, in the name of Mao, said they were building socialism. But, Mao himself was very careful about that, and was always saying no, we are still in the very early stages of a long-long road; he even used the typical Chinese way of expression “it will take 1000 years”, which means a long time, which means don’t be in a hurry! Don’t think that socialism is around the corner of the streets! And, this is fundamentally correct; I think, we should think of a strategy i.e. a strategy for socialism for the 21st century. The fact that the wording is popular is we are in 21st century. That is my reading of our history i.e. the 20th century was the 1st wave of successful struggles and revolutions for the emancipation of labor and of people. And the two cannot be disassociated. Because, there are labor, however, the very fact of polarization on a global scale created by capitalism, by really existing capitalist imperialist systems, has produced a situation in which is wider than the working class, the people, the working people of the south are the victims as well as the working classes. Stricto sensu, in the narrow sense of the term, the industrial working class.

And, therefore, what is on the agenda is a long period of national popular democratic series of stages, not really one stage, a series of successive stages, in which there is a combination of some dimensions, some aspects of capitalist accumulation; and, therefore, of capitalist relations of production and capitalist exploitative relations. There are also tendencies of, creating and developing new relations, tendencies towards new social relations which go beyond capitalism, which are socialist in nature and that go far beyond the distribution of income and so on.

It means a very complex combination of capitalism because there is a need to develop productive forces. Our communism cannot be communism of the poor; maintaining the society in a state of outrageous poverty. Productive forces have to be developed. And by accepting it, you are bound to accept, partly at least, capitalist ways of developing. Therefore, this is the vision of long transition which is new. It’s not

Samir Amin. That’s why, I consider myself a Maoist. Because, there’s nothing more than making more explicit what is already implicit in Mao; but in Mao, with respect to China. And expanding it, despite the variety of conditions of the entire South i.e. Asia, Africa and Latin America, and this is why we need a new international.

My reading was that the 20th century was the first wave that took the shape of Russian revolution, the Chinese revolution, plus Vietnam and Cuba and the national liberation of Africa and Asia which was to various degrees anti-imperialist with a class content ambiguous, usually with a bourgeois leadership or a potential bourgeois leadership; associating in some cases popular classes. Now, we are in the process of having a 2nd wave. And, it cannot be a remake of the first one and it should add to it not by renouncing the target of socialism by replacing it with capitalism with a human face or so called ‘democracy’.

However, socialism as the target and, simultaneously, taking into account the shortcomings of the first wave as lessons; particularly, the question of democracy. Democracy understood, not as multiparty elections, but as process of democratization of society, which is a far more holistic concept associated to social progress and I’m measuring my words. I’m saying social progress, it’s not socialism, is a ‘perspective’ of socialism.

Interviewed By Roshan Kissoon and Chandra.
First published in Red Star paper of CPN Maoist

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Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Central Committee Meeting at Bhakatapur

NEPAL: Kiran counters Prachanda with his own document at Maoist central committee meeting

Party chairman and prime minister Prachanda as well as senior party leader of Maoists, Mohan Baidya 'Kiran' have registered two separate documents for discussion at the central committee meeting that began in Bhaktapur on Monday.

The two documents have been registered at a time when reports of rival factions jockeying for their own version of democratic republic and people's republic have been doing rounds.

Party spokesperson and Minister for Information Krishna Bahadur Mahara has said discussions over them will start from Wednesday.

Earlier the faction led by Kiran had been sounding out that they would register a different document if Prachanda's document is not to their liking.

Reports say Prachanda's document backs competitive federal democratic republic while Kiran's document backs going for People's Republic.

Talking to reporters after he emerged out of the meeting, PM Prachanda said, "I have just registered my political report. On the nature of republic, (I have forwarded models of) parliamentary democracy, people's republic and transitional republic.

The different documents have been registered ahead of crucial National Conference of Party Cadres of the Maoists.

Earlier, the central committee meeting had gotten underway to decide on key issues including army integration and whether to implement the agenda of People's Republic which has drawn intense criticism from many political parties including the main opposition party Nepali Congress.

The future course of action of the party, proposals to be tabled at the National Cadres Conference of the party and the current political situation are some of the things currently will be discussed in the meet, it has been learnt.

The meeting will prepare agenda for the Conference of the party and make necessary preparation to hold the conference set to start in few days time.

Sources also say that Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai is preparing a third draft that would work as a compromise between the two groups within the party.

Monday, November 17, 2008

'Maoist PLA commander can become army chief'

At a time when the issue of army integration is drawing flak from many quarters including the main opposition Nepali Congress, Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Bam Dev Gautam on Monday defended the government's plans to go ahead with integration of Maoist combatants into Nepal Army.

In a sharp rebuttal to fears expressed by NC leaders that plans are afoot to make PLA commander the next army chief, Gautam, who heads the army integration special committee, said there's no reason why a Maoist People's Liberation Army (PLA) commander can't become the Nepal Army (NA) chief after the army integration takes place.

Minister Gautam said that in fact any member of the PLA can become the army chief after the Maoist combatant merger with NA, provided that they are capable and meet all the criteria for the post.

"If [Maoist chief] Prachanda can become prime-minister, there's no question why a Maoist commander can't become army chief," he said while talking to reporters at a programme in Chitwan

He also informed that the government would make separate arrangement for those Maoist combatants who don't meet the criteria for military services. However, he said save for Maoist combatants no other member of the armed outfits [operating in the country] can be integrated into Nepal Army.

Saturday, November 15, 2008

Chinese military delegation arriving in Nepal next week

Amidst increasing tension among the political parties over integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants, a high-level Chinese military delegation is scheduled to visit Nepal next week.

During its five-day stay in Nepal, the Chinese officials will hold talks with political leaders on efforts being made for army integration.

The delegation will meet Prime Minister Prachanda, Home Minister Bam Dev Gautam, Defense Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa, defense secretary Baman Prasad Neupaney among others.

The delegation will be led by a Major General of Chinese Army.

Friday, November 14, 2008

We want to use donor support for self sustaining growth: Dr. Bhattarai

Finance minister Dr Baburam Bhattarai has said that the Maoist lead government wants to use donor support for building the process of self sustaining growth in Nepal.

Addressing the donors meet in Kathmandu on Friday, finance minister Bhattarai said the government had already set out policies in the budget and urged the donors to prepare their programmes accordingly.

Stating the government's major concern has been relief and rehabilitation, free education and easy access to health services for poor people, he was of the view that the development process was 'donor driven', and not fruitful for both sides.

He said it was mutual responsibility of both donors and government to make best use of money given to Nepal and stressed on the need of fusion between aid bureaucracy and the country's bureaucracy.

The current change made people politically sovereign, now we want make people sovereign economically, he added.

He further said though Nepal has been receiving foreign assistance since 1950s, it has not been associated high growth rate due to lack of good policies, weak institutional capacity and inactive civil society.

Representatives of different donor agencies participated in the meeting

Thursday, November 13, 2008

PM Prachanda holds bilateral talks with Indian PM

Prime Minister 'Prachanda' held bilateral talks with his Indian counterpart Dr. Manmohan Singh, at the latter's official residence in New Delhi, India, on Wednesday evening.

According to reports, the two leaders talked about the ongoing peace process in Nepal and the process of constitution making. The Indian PM is said to have stressed on politics of understanding. The Nepali PM also expressed his commitment to complete constitution writing within stipulated time, reports add.

The issues of border problem and Kosi flood also figured in the talks.

Earlier, PM Prachanda had reached the Indian capital to attend the second summit of BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation).

India's minister of state for Industry and Commerce, Ashwini Kumar, received the Prime Minister at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi where he landed at around 12:15 pm, reports said.

Briefly speaking to media persons at the Delhi airport, PM Prachanda said he expected his visit to be fruitful in garnering Indian support for the peace process, economic development and constitution-making process.

He is set to address the summit on Thursday and will meet with the regional leaders on the sidelines of the summit.

PM Prachanda will return home on Friday.

Wednesday, November 12, 2008

Sitaula predicts grave risk if govt goes ahead with army integration

Continuing with his party's official line, Nepali congress leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula on Wednesday said that Maoist combatants shouldn't be integrated into Nepal Army (NA) under any circumstances, warning that the country may face grave risk if something like that is done

Speaking at a 'tea-party' organised by NC's youth wing Tarun Dal in Kalaiya of Bara district, the former home minister who was one of the peace negotiators during the NC-led interim government, talked against attempts to induct the politically indoctrinated army of a party into NA.

He also blamed the government of increasingly growing irresponsible towards its duties, and cited example to its apathy towards it main task of establishing sustainable peace and drafting a new constitution.

Sitaula is in a whirl-wind visit of Terai districts on "National Awareness Campaign for Peace, Democracy and Formation of new constitution" organized by his party.

Army integration as per peace pact: Minister Bhattarai

In what appears to be a remark made to take parties opposed to army integration process into confidence, Finance Minister Dr Babu Ram Bhattarai on Wednesday said that the merger of Maoist PLA with Nepal Army will not take place in violation of the Comprehensive Peace Accord signed between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists.

Speaking to reporters at Biratnagar Airport, Minister Bhattarai, who is considered no.2 leader inside the Maoist party, said that nobody has the right to talk against the peace pact, including those from inside his own party.

“Action would be taken against those from inside our own party who are found speaking against the peace pact,” he said, indirectly hinting at the inflammatory remarks made by some senior Maoist leaders against the peace accord and with whom he is going through a deep power tussle.

Tuesday, November 11, 2008

Reform or Revolution by Pavan Patel & Vishnu Sharma

(The Writers are associated with Indo-Nepal People’s Solidarity Forum, New Delhi)

Those who recognise only the class struggle are not yet Marxist….Only he is Marxist who extends recognition of the class struggle to recognition of the dictatorship of the Proletariat. This is what constitute the most profound distinction between the Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois. This is the touchstone on which the real understanding and recognition of Marxism should be tested.

Thus, a great revolutionary of the history defined a Marxist. No matter what people claim or what they suggest to uphold the only defining character of their words would be this very definition of a Marxist. There can be no alternative but the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat, says Lenin.

We must use this definition as a touchstone to distinguish between a correct proletariat political line and incorrect revisionist line. In case we fail to understand the importance of the dictatorship of the proletariat then no matter how much we cry for socialism, class struggle, PLA integration or tag there would always be a chance of reactionary betrayal of the masses.

Those who argue in favour of PLA’s integration or to keep the tag i.e. Maoist intact should also come forward with the question of dictatorship. The socialism and class struggle rhetoric will not suffice to criticize but a concrete solution regarding the question of the dictatorship should be voiced. Our real goal should be dictatorship of the proletariat and nothing less than this.

This question cannot be ignored or sidelined just for the sake of ‘creativity’. In the name of a ‘new’ betrayal takes root. Every tactic should be in this direction only. There can be different ways out but the aim should be intact i.e. the dictatorship of the proletariat. As Lenin defined and Mao upheld, “The Dictatorship of the Proletariat means a persistent struggle- bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative- against the forces and traditions of the old society”.

To be a communist it is not only important but necessary to judge every step under the context of this definition. An ordinary person or petty bourgeois party or leadership can portray him/herself as a true revolutionary in any given period of time but his/her real test comes when the question of dictatorship of the proletariat surfaces on the ground.

In Mao’s words “The decisive question in a revolution is of political line. If the line is correct the lost thing can be gained and if the political line is incorrect the gained things would be lost”.

In this polemic we will try to put our argument under this premises and seek answer to the question that every genuine communist of the world is looking for.

As Nepal’s communist movement is a part of world proletariat revolution hence there is no doubt that genuine communists of the world are carefully watching every step of the proletariat party there. The gain in Nepal is undoubtedly the gain of world’s working class and loss (if it occurs) will surely be all. It was a collective effort of people of the world hence it will be, if lost, collective loss. All over the world communists are trying to solve this political deadlock and come with a proper solution. No matter what it takes but a correct synthesis of the ongoing political crisis is necessary.

Nepal’s revolution has come a long way. From a small initiation to a big political intervention to winning the CA poll, it has done unprecedented and achieved things which were unknown hitherto. Now again it is trying to advance in an appropriate direction. As far as the direction is concerned two voices are clearly heard: One asking to defend the present achievement and suggesting to cement it before going ahead, other calling for immediate transformation to new democratic revolution by force, and thus achieving the goal set while initiating the decade long people’s war.

Defenders of both the ideas have their own arguments for the support of their aspirations. The formers argue that situation has not ripen to go for the total dictatorship of the proletariat because of the prevailing ‘world order’ and globalised system which is now ‘a fact’ to serious to ignore and carry on day today state affair.

They also claim that the revolution ‘can not be imitated but developed’; hence it would be a disaster to go with the Russian or Chinese way!In politics it is necessary to take stand. We in this debate take a stand and our stand would be with the later. We are for the total dictatorship of the proletariat.

We believe as Nepal’s revolution is a part of the world proletariat revolution, so to consolidate it through compromise (the word capitulation would be more appropriate) would be a deception of a universal as well as Nepalese proletariat aspiration. It is a complete revisionist rhetoric to emphasize on world order which itself is ‘too busy’ with its internal as well as external problems to get involved into Nepal. Moreover the situation in Nepal is very well known and understood among the people of the world and in case there is any armed intervention the genuine people of the world will come forward in solidarity against it.

The reason to cement the achievement is a revisionist cry. Nepal situation is all together a different phenomena then that of Russia and China. While Russian proletariat survived the armed intervention of the major imperialist powers during their state’s infancy, china on the other hand did not only refute the imperialist threat but also fought the threat coming from the ‘Communist USSR’.

We should also remember that while initiating the people’s war CPN (Maoist) never set a deadline for the struggle but it up roared the continuous till- the- last-breath- struggle. Then, suddenly for few Comrades, why the world order became so very important. Is it really difficult to survive or the subjective analysis of the Comrades wrong? We marched on the revolutionary path at the time the world proletariat movement was witnessing the ‘end of the ideology and History’ and the Maoist movement of Peru got a major setback.

‘In war (revolutionary) people are decisive, not weapons’, said Mao. The unshakable trust on the masses of the people is important than trusting bourgeoisie’s superiority over weapon. We should not turn off from the masses rather become one with them. Masses will provide us with the spirit and confidence to overcome our subjective fear. No matter how long will it be but we will overcome. We will win.

The Taliban is an example for us to understand the real ‘power’ of the imperialism. The Taliban is regressively fighting the US imperialism. In this long war it is not the US but the Taliban is winning. Imperialism now wants to negotiate as they negotiated in Vietnam, Korea and other countries.

Mao famously described that imperialism is a paper tiger. Till we fear it, it tries to eat us. The time we stand against it, it back steps. Let’s try to see imperialism in this way. Let’s not succumb to its pressure just for the sake of political power. Let’s not surrender.

Communists of the world can easily see what exactly is going on in Nepal. Some comrades have clearly, might be innocently, taken a wrong turn. They have started to speak more often about the uselessness of advancing the struggle for the sake of their ‘personal achievement’ as they claim the joint dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

In the debate two questions have become prominent. The question of PLA integration and the question of removal of ‘tag’.

First come first. We believe that the question of PLA’s integration is not only important but necessary. The PLA is not a bunch of beggars begging for the livelihood but they are a group of high- spirited comrades who till recently not only frightened the ‘mighty king’ but the ‘all powerful’ imperialism. They fought and shed their blood for people. Now, under the pressure from the losers, ‘comrades’ are compromising with our PLA. Why not PLA or Maoists demand Nepal army to disarm! People of Nepal do not need army who lost to save them but winners. But never Comrades raised this question. Secondly in case or any how the opposition agrees to integrate the PLA completely then again what purpose it will serve if the political line is incorrect. To integrate is also to dissolve it, to auction it. Then what is the solution? The real solution would be to keep the PLA intact under the party leadership and if there is any need of one army the old army should be dissolved at once.

The second question is of ‘tag’. In this question the party seems to be divided again. We believe that Maoist is not just a tag. It’s an ideology and till the time dictatorship of the proletariat is not achieved tag is essential. The removal of the tag for the sake of unity with some party is a complete surrender. The question also leads when we say that we practice M-L-M science to resolve the contradiction between the world proletariat and imperialism. And when it is an established proletariat philosophy that Maoism is the Marxism of this age then the question of tag becomes more prominent.

Criticism of Criticism: There are two types of criticism. A positive criticism to point out errors and giving a person or a party a chance to correct itself. The other form of criticism is to negate the person or the party. This is a negative and bourgeois criticism. In bourgeois kind of criticism people or parties are criticized to negate them, destroy them and to make hegemony over them. Hence in the debate there are few critique of this kind participating. Some ‘comrades’ did not criticize on time.

They knew that the things were going into wrong direction but believing it to be profitable for their personal gains never spoke out. Now after seeing that they did not get their share they have become ‘revolutionaries’ . This types of critiques are more dangerous. To get the essence of their words we should always apply Lenin’s definition of a real Marxist. The people who are talking about class struggle, integration of the PLA, strengthen of the Communes, Socialism or importance of the tag are not real Communist. Only those are true who defend the line of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Pragmatism- Revisionism in disguise: To talk about ‘practical reality’ and to forget the dictatorship is dangerous. In the name of pragmatic approach the dictatorship of the proletariat can not be compromised. Although in this two and half years of peace process politics, which is defined as a preparation for the people’s revolt to seize the power, some important things have been achieved. Nevertheless the important task is yet to be accomplished. And in this very time a correct line is not taken then these achievements will also be lost. It is an established Philosophy that becoming too pragmatic is harmful. It is a betrayal.

We should understand that revolution does not just depend on practical situation instead on the basis of necessity. It is human beings who consciously participate in revolution. They are not completely slave of the situation, they control and change it. Why it is not practical to seize power through force? Is India that bigger threat or the US an almighty god? No they are not. Not even China. They all are paper tigers.

India is unable to solve its internal conflicts and the US is entrapped in the vicious cycle of wars with Iraq and Afghanistan which it itself has created. They are too busy to intervene for a long war. Our basic aim should be to capture the power and then engage, if necessary, these powers in a long war as to weaken their economy and paving way for their proletariats to revolt. This is a real Internationalism.

In lieu of conclusion we would like to speak that the line that suggests ‘cementing’ of the present achievements is betraying the proletariat spirit. It is deliberately ignoring the fact that no where in the world communists got victory after developing or helping to develop capitalism. Same was the rhetoric of Mensheviks who said Russia was not mature enough for the proletariat dictatorship and thus bourgeois was to take power. Russian Mensheviks ended taking power in conjunction with bourgeoisie in the provisional government and this stream of Nepal’s Maoist party wants to exercise power with bourgeois as they claim the ‘joint dictatorship of feudal comprador bourgeoisie (under the disguise of nationalist) and the proletariat’. The important task today is not to cement but to weaken the capitalist system from the very beginning.

To believe in any kind of reform under the capitalist system is betraying us. To quote Lenin:

It is the greatest delusion, the greatest self deception, and a deception of the people, to attempt by means of this (bourgeoisie) state apparatus to carry out such reform as the abolition of landed estates without compensation, of the grain monopoly etc. This apparatus… is absolutely incapable of carrying out reform which would even seriously curtail or limit the rights of ‘sacred private property’, much less abolish those rights.

If necessary steps are not consider towards the dictatorship of the proletariat then CPN (M)’s few comrades’ experiments in Nepal will more or less have a disastrous faith.

Let us end this polemic with the beautiful words of great Mao:

The roc wings fanwise,
Soaring ninety thousand li
And rousing a raging cyclone,
The blue sky on his back, he looks down
To survey men’s world with its towns and cities.
Gunfire licks the heavens,
Shells pit the earth.
A sparrow in his bush is scared stiff.
“This is one hell of a mess!
O, I want to flit and fly away.”
“Where, may I ask?”
The sparrow replies,
“To a jewelled palace in elfland’s hills.
Don’t you know a triple pact was signed
Under the bright autumn moon two years ago?
There’ll be plenty to eat,
Potatoes piping hot
With beef thrown in.”
“Stop your windy nonsense!
Look you, the world is being turned upside down

Source Maoist List

Monday, November 10, 2008

Vietnam welcomes recent political developments in Nepal

VietNamNet Bridge – A Vietnamese representative to the United Nations Security Council has welcomed the recent positive political developments in Nepal, especially the election of its new government in last August.

Addressing the UN Security Council’s debate of the UN Secretary General’s report on the situation in Nepal in New York on Nov. 7, Ambassador Bui The Giang called on concerned parties to continue speeding up peace process on the basis of dialogues and compromises.

The diplomat also called for massive participation of Nepalese people in the peace process, early drafting of a new constitution and settlement of outstanding problems.

He welcomed the Nepalese government for making a host of priority commitments for the country’s future development, including its law-making, anti-corruption, economic recovery and infrastructure development programmes, as well as assistance for poor families and sufferers of conflicts in the country.

In his speech, the Vietnamese diplomat said he supported the international community to develop an effective partnership with the Nepalese Government in the latter’s national reconstruction.

He highly valued the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN)’s recent activities, encouraging the mission to continue coordinating with the UN agencies in Nepal to soon accomplish the peace process and transfer of remaining work.

The Ambassador suggested that the UNMIN increase cooperation and exchange of views with the Nepalese Government to ensure the effectiveness of its operation in Nepal.

Sunday, November 9, 2008

Jhal Nath Khanal of UML says Nepali Congress will be brought into Special Committee on army integration

The general secretary of Unified Marxist Leninist (UML) Jhal Nath Khanal has said that the opposition party Nepali Congress (NC) will be brought into the Special Committee on army integration.

Following his meeting with Prime Minister Prachanda' on Sunday morning, Khanal said, "We must bring in NC to the committee. For that, we need to work through understanding."

He added that he urged the PM to carry out homework quickly in order to form different commissions such as Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission on Disappeared Persons.

"The National Planning Commission will also be reorganised," he said

Saturday, November 8, 2008

More of the same - take a look at Obama's Economic Advisory Board

The economic advisory board includes former Treasury secretaries Robert Rubin and Lawrence Summers, former Labor secretary Robert Reich, former chair of the National Economy Council Laura Tyson, former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker and billionaire investor Warren Buffett.

Analysts and traders said they did not hear any surprises from Obama in his news conference.

"He is sending a strong message that he is already on the job," said Greg Salvaggio, senior currency trader at Tempus Consulting in Washington. "He is showing he will be ready to hit the ground running and that should provide some confidence to markets. But the truth is that this economy is hemorrhaging. " "

Prachanda sees threat to peace process from 'status quoists'

Prime Minister Prachanda said Saturday that political quarters that want to maintain status quo are trying to pose hurdles in the peace process as well as the constitution-making procedure.

Though he didn't point out at any party as 'status-quoist', Prachanda was hinting at the main opposition Nepali Congress that has voiced fundamental differences with the Maoist-led government over the handling of the peace process, especially the composition of the special committee formed to oversee the army integration.

Addressing a function in the capital, PM Prachanda said the government is determined to overcome the status-quoist and 'anti-change' forces and write new constitution on time and bring the peace process to a conclusion.

He also added that the Maoist-UML coordination committee would be a great help in ensruing the smooth functioning of the coalition government

Friday, November 7, 2008

The Rise of China and the Demise of the World Capitalist Economy by Minqi Li

This book will be a basic text for the 21st Century for contemporary Marxist Leninists better known has Maoists. It is a rare example in the 21st century of Marxist Leninist Maoist Scientific Political Economy.

The only other 21st Century MLM works that bear comparison with Minqi Li's are the Political Economy writings of Barburam Bhattarai of CPN Maoist the current Finance Minister of Nepal.

Minqi Li's scientificity refutes the caricature of Maoism prevalent in the bourgeois media principally in political economy but also in history - this a must buy and must read book.

Minqi Li provides the necessary systemic framework to analyse contemporary global capitalism and China's rise as a capitalist power by a self acknowledged Chinese Marxist Leninist Maoist.Minqi Li who made his way from Free Market Friedmanite Economics in China via prison to Marxism Leninsm Maoism over the last decades has a unique perspective.

The personal transition of Minqi Li has led him to better understand both global capitalist dynamics and the necessity of Socialism in the 21st century has a solution to the multiplicity of problems old and new that global capitalism has spawned as well has writing an immanent critique of capitalist political economy..

The book has a very interesting chapter on "Accumulation Basic Needs and Class Struggle" which both extends and deepens the historiography of Mobo Gao's "The Battle for China's Past " and makes available to us the historical work of Hongzhi Zhang' and the contents of his article "Return Innocence to Mao Zedong - tell the People the True History" It is worth buying the book for this chapter alone which shows that the older generation in China and participants in the Great Leap Forward have transmitted the truth about Mao to the new generation in China and the new Chinese working class has not lost its history but is retrieving it has their stuggle intensifies against the bourgeois power of the Princelings in the Chinese Communist Party.

The book makes a detailed examination of the Ecological Problems of Global Capitalism and shows that capitalism is not a sustainable economic system and for those that like those things Minqi Li even provides a mathematical proof.

The book has the following chapters

1. An introduction to China and the Capitalist World Economy

2. Accumulation Basic Needs and Class Struggle:
the rise of Modern China

3. China and the Neoliberal Global Economy

4. Can the Capitalist World Economy - Survive the Rise of China ?

5. Profit and Accumulation : Systemic Crises and Secular trends

6. The End of the Endless Accumulation

7. Between the Realm of Necessity and the Realm of Freedom : Historical Possibilities fo the 21st Century.

The book constructively integrates the World System Theories of Immanuel Wallerstein with a new re-invigorated Marxism Leninism Maoism examining the world system through the ideas of core - semi periphery - and periphery and how hegemonic capitalist powers rise and fall from Venice via Holland to England and USA. Hegemons are always transient in the capitalist global system.

In the chapter on "China and the Neoliberal Global Economy" he investigates China's role in global commodity chains and there is an example of a commodity chain from Andy Xie Morgan Stanley's chief economist for Asia who estimated that for each US dollar that China exported to the US businesses in Hong Kong or Taiwan took 20 cents, and the US brand owners and distributors recieved the bulk of the benefits as the product sold for US$ 4-5 in the US.

This unequal exchange between China and the core states like USA and Europe provides a massive transfer of surplus value from China which helps raise profit rates in USA and Europe.

The rise of China from perihery state to a semi perihery state is highly problematic for the Global Capitalist System and Minqi Li examines in detail the contradictions and destabilisation of capitalism as a system that China's rise has created hence the title of his book "The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy".

Minqi Li advocates system level solutions to system level problems and in the final chapter Between the Realm of Necessity and the Realm of Freedom : Historical Possibilities in the Twenty first Century makes the case for Socialism in the 21st Century.

Needless to say his case will re-invigorate that struggle - so make sure this book is made widely available and read by all comrades.

Reviewed by Nickglais

It is published by Pluto Books and the ISBN Number is 9780745327723