Sunday, June 30, 2019

Latest update on health deterioration of Saibaba

In the recent letter written on 23rd June 2019 (received on 29th June 19) in his words...

"There has been no relief from the long summer I am suffering. Four long months of summer still continuing to trouble me in my dystopian cell. It's suffocating. It's the hell on the Earth. With the monsoon delay of 20 days so far, there seems to be no relief soon. Spending days and nights in this extreme hot is extra punishment to whatever the law intends to sentence a person. I suffer another level of punishment due to my disability and 19 severe ailments of fatal nature. At these three levels of layered punishment without an iota of treatment, it is humanly impossible to survive and come out with life.

I am not able to read books, not able to write letters. Last three months is also the period with the highest temperatures in the past 2 years and 4 months for me in this prison. As a result, my health condition is at its worst level. I am not able to digest food due to overheat, apart from the problems of the gall bladder and pancreas. Most of the time, I am bed-ridden with semi-conscious and unconscious states. My left hand muscles have contracted and diminished further baring out the shoulder bones. Pain in the left hand increased to an unbearable level. Not able to sleep due to the pain. My eyes are also paining. My vision is blurred. I have not recovered from the 25 May episode of chest pain."

Europeans Bowing to Trump on Iran Sanctions, Despite Their Opposition

Ousted Honduran President Manuel Zelaya: 10 years after coup, US controls country

Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump meet at DMZ

The fate of North and South Korea is bigger than any individual - peace building is a pre condition of any de nuclearization on the Korean Peninsula,

Saturday, June 29, 2019

Lowkey- Neo Liberalism Kills

The Soviet Revolution's Impact on the Third World

Vijay Prashad, Chief Editor of Leftward books on his new book ‘Red Star Over the Third World’, the Russian revolution’s impact on the colonised world, the early growing relationship between Islam and revolutionary communism, the growing relationship between the US, CIA and radical Islam and how we must take inspiration from Lenin’s outlook before the 1917 revolution!

‘Like the brilliant sun, the October Revolution shone over all five continents, awakening millions of oppressed and exploited people around the world. There has never existed such a revolution of such significance and scale in the history of humanity’. – Ho Chí Minh 

From Cuba to Vietnam, from China to South Africa, the October Revolution remains as an inspiration. After all, that Revolution proved that the working class and the peasantry could not only overthrow an autocratic government but that it could form its own government, in its image. It proved decisively that the working class and the peasantry could be allied. 

It proved as well the necessity of a vanguard party that was open to spontaneous currents of unrest, but which could guide a revolution to completion. 

This book explains the power of the October Revolution for the Third World. It is not a comprehensive study, but a small book with a large hope – that a new generation will come to see the importance of this revolution for the working class and peasantry in that part of the world that suffered under the heel of colonial domination

Again in Defense of the Universality of People's War by Ard Kinera

The 5th of June (2019), founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, José Maria Sison, put forth a text on People’s War in what he define as industrialized capitalist countries. The day after we made public a response to this article, and Sison has replied on the 7th of June.

The reply is quite interesting. While the first text has to be read as a condemnation of the line of People’s War being universally applicable, his second text is kind of a retreat. It is even less clear than the first article on the the question of People’s War. While the question is raised to the level of the title, it is not clearly answered in the article itself. Not directly and beyond doubt that is. It is still impossible to read these texts as anything else than an attack on the universal applicability of Protracted People’s War, but the door is left with a tiny crack open. 

We know the extreme flexibility of many opportunists. They are able to wiggle them self through the most narrow cracks, and thus they might pretend there is no contradiction between Sison’s statements and upholding the necessity of People’s War in the imperialist countries. As usual, they pretend ‘two merges into one’ and want nothing more than to run away from the two-line struggle.

Sison attacks the universality of Protracted People’s War
It is necessary to shut the door closed. If Sison does not do this himself, we have to do it for him. In his first text Sison wrote: “the term ‘people’s war’ may be flexibly used to mean the necessary armed revolution by the people to overthrow the bourgeois state” and “what ought to be protracted is the preparation for the armed revolution” and “the revolution cannot win unless the capitalist system has been so gravely stricken by crisis that the ruling class can no longer rule in the old way, the people are desirous of revolutionary change and the revolutionary party of the proletariat is strong enough to lead the revolution”. Even though we have made this more condense, the line put forth is quite clear.

Since Sison is not in the habit of summing up his thoughts, we are forced to do it for him; in his view, People’s War in the imperialist countries is nothing more than the armed revolution, and the war itself cannot be protracted, only the preparations for it. This is a position against the strategy of Protracted People’s War, but he does not clearly state it. If we misread, or as Sison claim, “put every part of his article out its clear context”, he can at any time state clearly his position on the PCP synthesis of Maoism and the understanding of People’s War being universally applicable. It is impossible to read his article as anything else than dismissive of this doctrine, but if it does not represent his real stance, he might correct this at any time.

We know this is not the first time he has dismissed the universality of People’s War, but who knows, he might have changed his opinion…

Dishonest methods of debate

In his short “Follow-up Note” dated 7th of June, Jose Maria Sison writes an “answer” to our text dated 6th of June. Again, Sison does not name anyone or answer anyone directly. Instead he writes:

“Waging protracted people’s war in any industrial capitalist country is not a matter of dogmatically asserting it or putting every part of my article out of its clear context.”  

We would state that the question of people’s war, or any other key question in our ideology, neither should be a matter of passive aggressive statements that does not address or even directly quote the ones you call dogmatists. In and of itself it is of no greater importance that Sison answer our text directly, but in the name of intellectual and – more importantly – revolutionary honesty, in the name of Leninist clarity, he should at least briefly name the Communist Party of Peru, quote at least some of their documents, or refer to any one of the documents and statements put forth by other Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations. 

He does not, and it speaks volumes on the methods of Sison.

What is old and what is new?
Sison writes:

“For many decades already, I have heard of the notion or threat to wage a protracted people’s war in imperialist countries but to this day I have not seen any Maoist party proclaiming and actually starting it in any imperialist country.” and “In fact, I am not aware of any Maoist party in an industrially developed capitalist country strong enough to lead any armed revolution with the participation of any sizable proletarian masses in the industrial and service sectors of the economy.(…)”

This could be a weighty argument, if it was not for the fact, that neither can he show us any Maoist party not adhering to the strategy of People’s War, and being of such quantity and quality. Even if we expand the period to a hundred years, there is no example of a Communist Party leading armed revolution in the imperialist countries and not adhering to People’s War strategy. The only such struggles, led by Communist Parties, have taken the form of national liberation war, in essence People’s War.

Sison is tired of the “talk” and “notion” of waging People’s War, since he has heard of it in decades (we dare say since the Communist Party of Peru established this as a Maoist prinicple in 1980, as the first only Maoist Party in the World). But he seems to be one of those that are never tired of the protracted legal accumulation of forces, in wait and want of the cataclysm of economical, political and militarily crisis of capitalism, making relations “ripe for revolution”.

The strategy of protracted legal accumulation to the brink of crisis and revolution, is an old strategy. It has been, and still is, the totally dominating strategy of “the Left” in Europe. Of all trotskyite, hoxhaite and brechnevite deviating parties and organizations in Europe. Even of all, or almost all, that adhere to “Mao Zedong Thought”, and of the seemingly endless flora and variations of so called revolutionaries.

The Maoist principle that upholds Protracted People’s War, that lifts the asymmetric warfare of the Proletariat and all oppressed masses up from the tactical level to the strategic, that establish in theory the universality of People’s War in each and every country of the World, is only established with the summation and synthesis of Maoism done by Chairman Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru. It was only part of doctrine since 1980, and especially since the General Political Line of the Peruvian Communist Party was established in 1988. It is thus quite new. And by then it was only one single Party in the World, adhering to this line.

Sison is already tired of this “notion”, but it is not a baseless speculation to make, that for him the synthesis established by the PCP was tiresome from the beginning. We make the assumption, and Sison is free to correct us if this assumption is wrong, that he never viewed the universality of Protracted People’s War as correct or applicable, even when this was new to him. The years passing is not the most important, but the content. And it seems clear that the one that reject the new and cling to the old, is Sison himself.

Sison is painting a picture of People’s War strategy being something old in the imperialist countries, but we know it is not so. Upholding this strategy, and making it part of the general line for revolution, is very new in the imperialist countries. Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) sanctioned it in its statement of 1993, but not wholeheartedly. The revisionist Avakian never adhered to it in a real way, or with the same understanding as the PCP. It is true that the PCP fought for this line since they first adopted it, but it is falsehood to portrait it as something old in the revolutionary movement of the west.

The new is born fragile

Amongst the RIM-parties and the marxist-leninists supporting the People’s Wars, and in the PCP it self, it was several contending lines in the 1990s, and not a clear dominance of Maoism proper. When real Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist, Organizations and Parties are now emerging in the imperialist countries, it is with the characteristics of something new being born. In its youthfulness, it has all the features of the new. It is small, it does not have a long track record, it does not have all the quantitative mass that is the only thing that impress the opportunist – but it has something much more important; it is developing, it is growing, it has the future in a head of it, while revisionism is old, rotten and only ripe for the dust bin.

When we speak of Maoism, and the strategy of People’s War, in the imperialist countries, we must bear in mind the words of Chairman Gonzalo when he speaks of the New Power in the Line of construction of the PCP:

“Comrades, it will be born fragile, weak because it will be new, but its destiny is to develop itself through change, through variation, through fragility, like a tender sapling.”

Sison paints his picture of reality upside down, and confuses the tender light of dawn with the shades of dusk. He might have been seated in the first row, listening to the first tuning of instruments, and now he thinks the show is over, before the orchestra has even begun to perform the prelude.

On the political preparation of People’s War
Sison states:

“There is no protracted people’s war of any kind going on in any industrial capitalist country. (…) No serious preparations for it are being made. (…) It will take at least some years to prepare and to realize the start of such armed revolution of the people.”

We cannot really address the statement of no preparations being made. This might be true. It might not. But Sisons statement clearly shows that if anyone where to make such preparations, they should never tell Sison, since he feels obliged to inform the whole world of any such preparations and the seriousness of them. The other two statements we agree on, at least for the most part. No Maoist Communist Party is leading a Protracted People’s War in the imperialist countries today, and such People’s War would have to be prepared for “at least some years”.

On the content of such preparations of war, the author of this text would refer to the preparations made by the Communist Party of Peru which in short form is presented in the Military Line of the party. We would again refer to the excellent article from the redaction of the German magazine Klassenstandpunkt, People’s War – The sole path to liberation. We also could refer to some of Lenins texts, amongst them the article Guerilla Warfare where he writes:

“In a period of civil war the ideal party of the proletariat is a fighting party. This is absolutely incontrovertible.” and “Every military action in any war to a certain extent disorganises the ranks of the fighters. But this does not mean that one must not fight. It means that one must learn to fight. That is all.”

This article of Lenin has clear limitations. The Ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has moved on since 1906. But we emphasize on the point of one must learn to fight. And on the quotation of Mao Zedong stating that one must learn war by waging war.

The Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction) has written a new article on the militarization of the Communist Parties, and this article has been translated and publiciced in Dem Volke dienen. They have also made public other important articles on the topic.

We know this texts and snippets is not sufficient, but it is a beginning, and there is much more to be read and said on the question, and more importantly; dere is more to be done. The whole of the General Political Line of the PCP, and the complete body of work of Chairman Gonzalo, should be studied by revolutionaries today. It is stated that the strategy of People’s War is established mainly by Mao Zedong, and his works must be studied. And, as the PCP has stated, the experiences of armed struggle in Europe should be studied, analyzed and synthesized. We would especially amongst these emphasize the protracted war of independence fought in Ireland. This war in its modern form has been waged without stop for over one hundred years, with its ups and downs, with its flow and ebb, with its victories and defeats, but never stopping. The traitors in the Sinn Fein-leadership tried once again to liquidate it in the 1990ths, but still the war is continuing! In a industrialized, advanced, capitalist country, subjugated by one of the most powerful imperialists in the world.

We uphold that the universality of People’s War was established in the People’s War of Peru, and that the question in the imperialist countries is not to establish the doctrine, but to apply it creatively on the specific conditions in the specific countries. The theory cannot make any more significant leaps solely in the realm of theoretical science, but it must do so in the midst of People’s War.

It is a very common way of debating, a method we have often encountered, to demand every minor question, even the most remote and hypothetical, to be answered before one can act on the information we already got. Have we not met a seemingly endless thread of questions on how every aspect of life will be organized in the future communist society? As if the bourgeoisie had every such question of capitalism sorted out, before they led the charge on the Bastille! Sison has similar demands, and also he distort the whole problematic. It is posed like there is something completely different to wage war in imperialist countries than in the oppressed countries. Like war have no universal laws, and like a gun works in a different way in Europe than in Asia.

Ofcourse one has to put emphasis on to the specific conditions of specific countries. There is qualitative differences between a country like England and the country of the Philippines. Sison might actually also have pointed to some of these, as they are obvious.

On the practical preparations of People’s War
Sison writes:

“A people’s war of whatever duration and scale is possible in the industrial capitalist country country only after a period of preparations of ideological work, political education and mass work, party and mass organizing, clandestine accumulation of arms, politico-military training and Bolshevik style penetration of the reactionary armed forces. Such preparations or suggestions thereof should not be disdained or begrudged.”

We would claim that none has disdained or begrudged preparations of this character, at least not us ourselves. Though we do not blindly accept the “clandestine accumulation of arms” suggested by Sison. The People’s War of Peru, and the People’s Wars in other countries, have not been preceded by such, and neither by the “penetration of the reactionary armed forces”. The seizure of weapons have mainly been part of the People’s War in its initiation and development, and not its preparation. 

The same is to be said by the penetration of the armed forces. But one must also emphasize on the concrete situation of the Russian armed forces during the First World War being completely different from the imperialist armies of Europe and Northern America today, and thus the military line of penetration cannot be applied in a “bolshevik style”, at least not without a great deal of adjustment to the concrete conditions. 

And in this question one must apply the doctrine of the PCP when they state the generated organisms as being principal and the penetration of other organizations as being secondary. The penetration of the reactionary armed forces is secondary to generating the People’s Army under the sole leadership of the Militarized Communist Party.

The importance of combating confusion and understanding war as “politics with bloodshed”
The question of preparations before the People’s War, and the first stage of it, are easily confused, with or without ill will. If one denies, or just do not take into account, the protractedness of the People’s War, one can “postpone” it to the distant future where all objective conditions are “ripe”. If one does not understand the bloodshed of war, if one is not clear on the military aspect, one might negate the war for protracted preparations without any real prospect of waging war. One might even, as we have experienced in Norway, and maybe also Italy, develop a right opportunist line that portrait the protracted preparations as part of the People’s War itself. It is similar to experiences in several European countries, where adherents to Mao Zedong thought or even Maoism, have dressed the political activities in the vocabulary of war. In itself not an error, but it becomes an enormous error if this negates the bloodshed and makes confuses the very concept of war with just simply politics. 

Parts of guerilla warfare might be applied in all realms of politics. We might find similarities to this, when Sun Zus eternal work “Art of War” is re-written and adopted for the use of stock brokers and business people. This is also true for the Proletarian Military Strategy. Many of the laws and concepts of this might be applied in political strategy as well. But we must emphasize the thesis of Clausewitz that war is the continuation of politics by other means, and the truth of Mao Zedong that politics is war without bloodshed while war is politics with bloodshed. The political work, part of preparing for People’s War, is not war, it is simply politics.

The strategy of universality of People’s War is not a question of simply changing the definitions and words while one continue the old practice of protracted legal accumulation of forces. The question of People’s War is a matter of accepting that in all countries, the revolution will take the form of Protracted People’s War, developed from its limited, undeveloped and unadvanced beginning, but still developed as warfare proper, and not simply as the endless “preparation” trough legal political work, primarily, as we have seen in practice, through elections, trade unions and NGO-work.

In the preparations for People’s War, everything must be for the People’s War. We know the practice of Parties and Organizations with the same position as Sison. We know that the talk of armed revolution is mere talk. We know they do not even study military theory. We know they only play lip service to revolution. We know this to be true, even though many of them have no ill will, no sinister agenda, they are only “trapped” in the ideological framework of revisionism and especially dogmato-revisionism. They might talk the talk, but they do not walk the walk. Sison take the part of a crass judge, when he make the claim “notions” have been upheld for decades without even any serious preparations, but what really deserves a crass judgement is the track record of the acumulationists. They do not adhere to Maoism as it was defined for the very first time, they do not have a real answer for how to make revolution, they can only fall back to the century old practice of protracted legal struggle in the confines of parliamentarism and trade unionism.

Also, no war of the masses can be fought without propaganda, or without ideological and political schooling. The question of line is the most important, and secondly the question of a solid organization to bring the line into practical life, and key in this the question of cadres. The question of propaganda is essential to create popular opinion and also bring more people into the organizations, but this cannot only be propaganda against imperialism and capitalism, it must also be propaganda for the People’s War. This cannot be done if the question is confused by the revolutionaries themselves by constantly leaving the door half-open for every imagined possibility or allways postponing the question of war, that is revolution.

Sison advocates right opportunist stagism counter to the Communist Manifesto
Sison writes:

“It is only a “Left” opportunist, a fake Maoist or even an agent provocateur who has disdain for the lasting admonition of the Communist Manifesto to win the battle for democracy against the bourgeois class dictatorship and who clamors for proclaiming and starting a people’s war in an industrial capitalist country without the necessary preparations of the subjective forces and the favorable objective conditions that I have mentioned.”

One might say “the cat is out of the bag”. Sison double down and smear others with “fake Maoist” and even “agent provocateur”, without any basis for such claim. Again, his wording is sinister. He speaks of “misrepresentation” in his first paragraph, but clearly everyone that has read our former article has seen no claim that People’s War should start “without the necessary preparations”(!). His claims of others disdain for the Communist Manifesto is also completely sinister.

Sison wrote in his first text:

“Even if the material foundation for socialism exists in capitalism, the proletariat must first defeat fascism, thus winning the battle for democracy,  before socialism can triumph.”

In the context, this can only be read as Sison advocating a form of stageism. The thesis being, and we know it very well from many right opportunist but also many a honest revolutionary, that in order to prevent revolution the bourgeoisie will apply fascism and then the first stage of struggle become the democratic struggle against fascism, winning this, before entering the stage of socialist revolution. But this has nothing to to with the Communist Manifesto, where Marx and Engels writes:

“We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy.”

Marx and Engels thus claims the necessity of establishing the proletarian dictatorship as precondition to win the “battle of democracy”. To raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class is to establish socialism, and thus this is winning the battle of democracy. Penetrating further into this question, it is revealed how Sision has fallen into stagism of a non-Marxist type. It is similar to the anti-monopoly coalition strategy proposed by the Moscow revisionists and their satellites in Europe. This strategy is simply summarized as the first stage being the coalition against monopoly capital and wrestling the power from their hands(!), and then in the second stage waging socialist revolution against capitalism. This is the programmatic line of the revisionist “Communist Party” of Norway, and it is not so different in essence from the Sison line of firstly winning the battle of democracy (by defeating fascism) and then secondly “socialism can triumph”.

Our position is that fascism can only be defeated in the midst of People’s War, and winning the battle of democracy and thus winning the battle of state power, can only be done by and through the socialist revolution, that is the People’s War, and not in some pre-stage to this.

More on the necessity of Militarized Maoist Communist Parties and Protracted People’s War
We agree, and every revolutionary would, that People’s War must be prepared by ideological, political and organizational work and politico-military training. Just as we agree that revolutionaries must apply both the open and legal as well as the clandestine and non-legal forms of struggle and methods of developing the revolutionary struggle. But guided by Maoism, we adhere to the doctrine of revolutionary war being the highest form of class struggle and the sole way of taking power. This must demand the full attention of the communists to the military question, to preparing and developing People’s War. It cannot be treated, like every right opportunist in reality does, as the last point on the agenda, the last thought added as if it was almost forgotten.

Further, it demands a Communist Party organized for the sole purpose of waging People’s War. It is impossible for a Party organized in total legality, to develop any clandestine and non-legal forms of struggle. To propose for such a legalist organization to take up non-legal forms of struggle, is in reality the work of an agent provocateur. Sison is spewing such words against the Maoists, but with his policy of not naming names nor referring to documents, he can talk about “the pitfalls of “Left” and Right opportunist, the fake Maoist or the Agent”, with the slippery style of not accusing anyone and having to prove anything. It is again a form of intellectual dishonesty which exposes Sison himself more than any other.

To be clear, to be Maoist is to adhere to the universality of Protracted People’s War. It means to defend and apply this strategy, principally applying it. To apply People’s War one must apply the universally applicable contributions of Chairman Gonzalo, especially the concept of the Militarized Communist Party and the concentric construction of the Party, the Army and the Front-New State. The Communist Party is core and centre, it is the highest form of Proletarian class organization, and it has to be militarized to be able to lead a People’s War.

The Communist Party of Peru writes in its Military Line:

“The third moment (1980 to the present). The Party begins to lead the People’s War. Its military line is formed with the “Application and development of the Road.” This third moment has four milestones: 1) Definition; 2) Preparation; 3) Initiation; and 4) Development of the guerrilla war.”

The same is universal for every People’s War. It must firstly be defined, then prepared, then initiated, then developed. To clearly define it, one must wage two-line struggle against all old opportunism. As the PCP refers to Engel’s thesis in the Mass Line of the Party: 

“In a country with such an old political and workers’ movement, there is always a colossal heap of garbage inherited by tradition that must be cleaned step by step.”

The theory of protracted legal accumulation is part of this colossal heap of garbage. It has to be swept away by the broom of Maoism. As all old traditions, it will reappear in new forms, even take the form of “Maoism”. This has been a characteristic of the development of the proletarian ideology every step of the way. Revisionism was rebranded as Marxism, and has later been rebranded as Marxism-Leninism. And today it is rebranded as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Why should it be any different today? 

It should not, it could not, it has to be this way. So this is nothing to be afraid or surprised of. We are in favor of active ideological struggle, we fear it not, as we do not fear revisionism. Even when it is attempted to smuggle it into the movement, or when comrades blindly introduce it because they have not understood its revisionist content and are mesmerized by its shiny and polished surface. 

Finally, none amongst the newest and youngest Maoist organizations should be arrogant in this matter, for have we not been struggling with such questions ourselves? The communist attitude is fearless in the two-line struggle, but at the same time humble. Reaching new highs, one must be careful not to, as we say, “pull the latter up after us”. We must not condemn or behave arrogantly against comrades or friends or masses, who are now where we was a short time ago while we believe we have moved further. 

As the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) has quoted from Chairman Mao – we must have two hands when we deal with these questions. On the one hand we struggle against the incorrect lines, on the other hand, we wish all honest revolutionaries to join us if they do away with former mistakes. 

Insight needs to be conquered, unity must be conquered, for the newborn, every breath and heartbeat is fought for. Life is struggle, and so the struggling movement is living, vibrantly, and the movement that shys away from struggle to promote unprincipled unity is dying and decaying.

Forward to the unification of the International Communist Movement under Maoism and People’s War!

Define, prepare, initiate and develop People’s War in each and every country!

People’s War until Communism!


Wednesday, June 26, 2019

Honduras Erupts on Eve of 10th Anniversary of Coup

Honduras and why there is a US Border Problem

Taking Erdogan Down one Town at a Time - Istanbul Election

Democracy and Class Struggle passes three million views - Our Top 10 Viewing Countries

United States
United Kingdom




America's High Ideals Aren't On Display At U.S. Detention Facilities

Tuesday, June 25, 2019

Economic War Against Iran with Larry Wilkerson

Iran : when Johnny Comes Rolling Home

Deal of a Century': A Push for the Permanent Occupation of Palestine

Requisites in Revolutionary Class Struggle for Building a Socialist Future by Joma Sison


By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
Chairperson, International League of Peoples' Struggle


There are five general requisites for building the socialist future. First, learn from the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism in the 20th century. 

Second, grasp the potential for socialist revolution in various countries in the current circumstances. 

Third, build the subjective forces of the revolution, such as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the mass organizations, effective alliances, the people's army or self- defense units, and the organs of political power. 

Fourth, carry out the various forms of revolutionary struggle to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. 

Fifth, build the socialist state of the proletariat on the basis of a broad people's alliance, and engage in continuous socialist revolution in the political, socio-economic and cultural fields.

Learn from the historical experience of building socialism!

In the emergence and development of industrial capitalism, it has been unavoidable for the capitalist class to create and expand the working class from which it extracts surplus value and enables it to accumulate capital. It is a given fact that the modern industrial proletariat is the most advanced productive force. And in the course of class struggle against exploitation and oppression, it has become the most advanced political force capable of liberating itself and other exploited classes, and of building socialism as a result of being developed ideologically, politically and organizationally to fight and overthrow the exploitative and crisis- ridden capitalist system.

As a revolutionary class for itself and for other exploited people, the working class has been involved in and benefited from the three stages of development of its revolutionary theory and practice. In the first stage, in the era of free competition capitalism, Marx and Engels laid the fundamental principles of Marxism in philosophy, political economy and social science, and engaged in initial efforts to build the communist and workers' movement. In the second stage, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin and Stalin prevailed over the revisionism and opportunism of the Second International and the Mensheviks in order to lead the October Revolution that overthrew the Tsarist rule and establish a socialist state, victoriously engaged in the socialist revolution and construction in the Soviet Union.

After Lenin died in 1924, Stalin brought the New Economic Policy to a successful conclusion. He adopted the series of five-year economic plans to bring about socialist industrialization, the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture, the education training and deployment of the biggest corps of scientists and engineers, the promotion of socialist culture and art and the mass mobilization of the Soviet people of various nationalities. 

After the arrest and trial of the traitors in the 1930s, the German Nazi intelligence could not find a fifth column for the Nazi invasion. 

Stalin victoriously led the Great Patriotic War against the fascists who killed 27 million Soviet people and destroyed 85 per cent of Soviet industry. He proceeded to industrialize the Soviet Union for the second time and encouraged the oppressed nations and peoples of the world to fight for national liberation and socialism.

In the same stage of the Leninist development of Marxism, the Communist Party of China led by Mao made a still far greater breach on the imperialist front in the East by winning the people's democratic revolution through protracted people's war and proceeding to carry out the socialist revolution. Mao can be credited with the consolidation of the revolutionary victory amidst the devastation brought about by the Japanese invasion and the civil war unleashed by Guomindang, the basic socialization of the Chinese economy, the Great Leap Forward to socialist industry and to establish communes, the socialist education movement, the critique of and improvement on the Soviet model of economic development and the vital support extended by China to the Korean people and the Indochinese people in their struggles for national liberation and socialism against US imperialist aggression and to all the peoples of Asia, African and Latin America.

It became the responsibility of Mao to confront the full-blown phenomenon of modern revisionism of Khrushchov and then Brezhnev. This paved the way for the third stage, that of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, when Mao put forward the theory and practice of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in order to combat modern revisionism, prevent the restoration of capitalism and consolidate socialism. The GPCR prevailed from 1966 to 1976. 

But a coup d'etat headed by Deng Zhao Ping, behind a combination of Rightists and Centrists, overthrew the socialist state and began a series of capitalist reforms. This was a repeat of the coup d'etat headed by the revisionist chieftain Khrushchov in the Soviet Union in 1956.

It is of crucial importance for the scientific socialists or communists of today to learn the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism. 

We must appreciate the great socialist achievements of the proletariat, entire people and their leadership in the philosophical, political, social, economic and cultural fields, against imperialism, revisionism and opportunism. 

And we must criticize and repudiate the “Left” and Right 
opportunist errors of certain leaders at certain times and the biggest of all errors modern revisionism, which destroyed socialism under the pretext of creatively improving it through capitalist reforms. The positive and negative lessons from the past are a legacy to learn from.

The imperialists and their petty bourgeois camp followers are systematically using the total negation of the socialist revolution and socialist construction, especially from 1917 to 1956 in the Soviet Union and from 1949 to 1976 in China, in order to attack entirely the revolutionary cause of socialism. 

They use the cheap reductionist psychological trick of the total negation of Stalin and Mao as the short cut to the total negation of socialism, and the proletariat, people and party that built socialism. 

In times of either the most strident or most subtle anti-communist propaganda anywhere, the communists and revolutionary people must resolutely uphold their principles and militantly do their work.

In what is already an extended period of strategic retreat for the international communist movement, as a result of the revisionist betrayal of socialism, the scope and impact of the revolutionary ideological and political work of the persevering communists may appear limited and ineffectual on a global scale or in certain countries. The imperialists may even appear invincible as they unleash the most brutal forms of class struggle and aggressive wars as the petty bourgeois reformists and neo revisionists seem to steal the struggle from the communist revolutionaries. But the resolute and steady ideological and political work of the communist revolutionaries will eventually resound, amplified by the ever worsening crisis of the bourgeois ruling system, and will certainly lead to the upsurge and expansion of the revolutionary movement.

Grasp the potential for socialist revolution in the current circumstances!

At present, all major contradictions in the world capitalist system are intensifying. These are the contradictions between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class in the imperialist countries; those between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations; those between the imperialist powers and some countries assertive of national independence; and those among the imperialists themselves. The objective conditions are favorable for waging revolution. The broad masses of the people are in extreme suffering and are desirous of revolutionary change. There is a high potential for the rise of revolutionary forces for people's democracy and socialism against imperialism.

In the imperialist countries, the contradiction between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class has been exacerbated by the rapidly accelerating adoption of higher technology in production, distribution, finance and communication, and the intensification of profit-taking by the monopoly bourgeoisie under the neoliberal economic policy. The crises of overproduction have recurred more frequently and more gravely. The attempts of the monopoly bourgeoisie to counter the crisis of overproduction and the tendency of the profit rate to fall by resorting to the tricks of finance capitalism, mainly the expansion of the money supply and credit to stimulate production and consumption, have led from one financial crisis to another until the financial meltdown of 2008, which has caused what is in fact a protracted global depression.

The contradiction between the social character of production and the private mode of appropriation has become utterly conspicuous, and the destructiveness and irrationality of capitalism are well manifested by high rates of unemployment, lower incomes among the working people, the thinning out of the middle social strata, and the growing poverty and misery even in imperialist countries. But the incipient people's resistance is not yet being turned into a resounding demand for system change and for socialism because the revolutionary parties of the proletariat have not yet arisen or are still too few, small and weak to overcome the long running and current strategy and tactics of repression and deception employed by the state and private instruments of the monopoly bourgeoisie.

The contradiction between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations has become far worse than ever before. The fact of neocolonialism in most underdeveloped countries has been aggravated by the rampage of neoliberalism. 

The broad masses of the people are suffering from rising levels of exploitation, oppression and aggression. They suffer the main brunt of imperialist plunder and war. Even in the so-called emergent markets favored by the imperialist outsourcing of manufactures and special flows of hedge funds, the people suffer from unemployment, reduced real incomes, and other dire consequences of the global depression.

As a result of extreme oppression and exploitation, there are revolutionary parties of the proletariat persevering in armed revolution for national liberation, people's democracy and socialism in a number of underdeveloped countries. There are also similar parties preparing for armed revolution. Where the imperialist powers have unleashed wars of aggression, as in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria, political and social turmoil among Islamic sects and ethno-linguistic communities has continued, and conflicting armies have arisen. But no communist party has yet taken advantage of this kind of situation.

Communist parties still exist in former revisionist-ruled countries but have not gone beyond parliamentary struggle. Certain states like Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea stand out today for upholding their national independence and socialist aspirations against the blockades and provocations by US imperialism. 

They are holding their ground, even while the US has succeeded in destroying the Qaddafi government in Libya and is trying to overthrow the Assad government in Syria for the benefit of the US- Israeli combine in the Middle East.

The contradictions among the imperialist powers in economic, financial, security and other policy matters are fast coming to the fore. The US is now worried to death about the growing tendency of Russia and China to act independently and pose a challenge to its status as No. 1 imperialist power and sole superpower, in contrast to the previous period when the US gloated over the full restoration of capitalism in the two countries and proclaimed it as the final doom of the socialist cause. The ruling parties of both Russia and China have indeed betrayed the cause of socialism but they have brought to the top rung of capitalist powers the high sense of sovereign power and social capital that they had acquired under socialism.

The struggle for a redivision of the world has become more intense. It is a struggle for sources of cheap labor and cheap raw materials as well as for markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. The US resents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a counter to NATO, the formation of the BRICS economic bloc, the Eurasian economic and security alliance of China and Russia, and the Belt and Road Initiative. Thus, under Obama it carried out the strategic pivot to East Asia to contain China, and made provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia.

Under Trump, the US has started a trade war against China, stepped up sanctions against Russia and unleashed military intervention and wars of aggression in several regions. is making provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia. Inter-imperialist contradictions in general, and inter-imperialist wars in particular, offer opportunities for developing revolutionary civil wars for national liberation and socialism. Remember how the first socialist state arose in connection with World War I and several socialist countries in connection with World War II.

Build the subjective forces of the revolution!

In relation to such objective conditions as the system of exploitation, the crisis, and the moods of the spontaneous masses, the subjective forces of the revolution are highly conscious solid organizations of people who are determined to wage various forms of revolutionary struggle in order to discredit, isolate and ultimately destroy the bourgeois ruling system. The objectives of the scientific socialists are to smash and destroy the bourgeois state and establish the proletarian or socialist state. Definite types of organizations are needed to realize these objectives.

Just as the bourgeoisie was the class agent to establish and develop capitalism, the modern industrial proletariat is the class agent to establish and develop socialism. Whatever is their level of consciousness about socialism at a given time, or whatever is the degree of influence of petty bourgeois and anti-socialist ideas on them, the blue collars and white collars in the labor force have their class interest which is increasingly under vicious assault by the monopoly bourgeoisie and which can, in due time, rouse them to rise up when the boiling point is reached. They are objectively the overwhelming majority in the well-developed capitalist economy, in contrast to the minority consisting of the capitalist owners and their highest paid subalterns. They have the potential of becoming conscious that they can get rid of the bourgeois rule and can run and expand the national industrial economy without the bourgeois proprietors and managers.

No matter how large is the peasantry in a country, it cannot lead the socialist revolution because its perspective is, at best, to own the land through democratic revolution or reform, and the possibility for socialist cooperation and mechanization is made possible by the proletariat in power. At any rate, the proletariat cannot seize and hold power without a strong alliance with the peasantry in any agrarian country. The class tendency of the petty bourgeoisie is to serve the bourgeois system and even to climb to the level of the big bourgeois. Marx himself had to change his petty bourgeois outlook and remould himself into a proletarian revolutionary to become a scientific socialist.

The most important subjective force to build for socialist revolution is the party of the revolutionary proletariat – the Communist Party or the workers' party. It is the advanced detachment of the entire working class and the trade union movement. It builds and strengthens itself ideologically, politically and organizationally for winning the battle for democracy by mobilizing the workers and other working and exploited people; for smashing the state power of the bourgeoisie; and for building socialism in transition to communism. It propagates the revolutionary theory and practice of the proletariat. It proclaims and carries out the general political line, and the strategy and tactics in the revolutionary struggle. It recruits as Party members the most advanced elements in the revolutionary mass movement.

The proletarian revolutionaries must rely on the masses and do mass work. They must engage in social investigation in order to learn from the masses their basic problems and urgent needs, and how to arouse, organize and mobilize them in order to unite and strengthen themselves against their powerful adversaries. In industrial capitalist countries, they must focus mass work among the workers in their work places and communities. They must build revolutionary unions where no unions yet exist or even if they must at first form and multiply communist cells within the reactionary unions. 

They must trust the workers in embracing the revolutionary theory and practice of their own class. In agrarian or underdeveloped countries, they must build the revolutionary trade unions and peasant associations at the same time, and strengthen the basic alliance of these two classes. The revolutionary worker’s party must field cadres and organizers to the countryside to arouse, organize and mobilize the peasants and develop proletarian revolutionaries from among their ranks.

It is not enough to build the basic class organizations of the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The proletarian revolutionaries and mass activists must build certain types of organizations like people's cooperatives and organizations of the youth, women, teachers, health workers, cultural workers and other low-income people. They must encourage the petty bourgeoisie to form its own progressive organizations in rejection of the exploiting classes and in support of workers and other working people. Revolutionary alliances of the working people with the progressive organizations of the petty bourgeoisie are of great importance. The progressive petty bourgeoisie carries with it to the socialist cause their various professional and technical skills and can serve as articulators and molders of public opinion. The progressive bourgeois can become allies of decisive importance and can remould themselves into proletarian revolutionaries.

The revolutionary party of the proletariat answers the central question of revolution when it builds a people's army for seizing political power. But the situation may not yet be ripe for establishing the people's army in certain countries. In preparing for the eventuality of creating a people's army and waging an armed revolution, the Party and the pertinent mass organizations can form discreet self-defense units and engage in mass training for self- defense, but always avoiding provocations that lead to unnecessary or untimely armed clashes that give the enemy to unleash white terror against the revolutionary forces and people. 

In the US and certain countries, it is a matter of constitutional right for ordinary citizens to bear arms to restrain or prevent the state from misusing its armed power against the people. Practical legitimate reasons for the private possession of firearms include self- defense against common criminals, fondness for hunting, and membership in a sports club.

In the application of the strategy of protracted people's war by encircling the cities from the countryside in underdeveloped countries, people's committees of self-government are formed as organs of political power in local communities. Even in the absence of a revolutionary civil war, such organs of political power can be established with the support of the mass organizations and can perform certain non-violent functions of local government in communities of the working people. Even at the national level, an alliance of progressive political parties and mass organizations can appear and act like a government by forming a people's shadow cabinet, with major departments that monitor and criticize the policies and actions of the reactionary government and voice out the demands of the people and the mass movement.

Carry out various forms of struggle to overthrow the capitalist system!

Ideological building is the first requisite and continuing fundamental task in building the revolutionary party of the proletariat. It avails of the treasury of Marxist-Leninist works written by the great communist thinkers and revolutionary leaders in the course of victorious revolutionary struggles against the capitalist system, reaction and revisionism of the classical and modern type. These works provide the principles and methods to guide the analysis of the history and circumstances of the people in a country, the formulation of the revolutionary program of action, and the concrete practice of revolution by the proletarian revolutionaries and the people.

The theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism is ever developing in relation to the world and to the particular country where it is applied. It is comprehensive and profound as it musters the proletarian revolutionary outlook and scientific knowledge in criticizing and repudiating class exploitation and oppression; in drawing up the general political line, strategy and tactics; in striving to end the capitalist system; and in proposing socialism as the preparation of communism. 

It requires the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, and the testing of ideas in social practice. It demands within the proletarian party a struggle against petty bourgeois subjectivism, be it in the form of dogmatism or empiricism. The consequence is that the party is well equipped to wage ideological struggle against the theorists and ideologues of the bourgeoisie and in constantly combating non-proletarian ideas and tendencies inside the party.

Ideological building serves to firm up the political building of the proletarian revolutionary party and reinforces the line of political struggle against the big bourgeoisie in different conditions. In the developed capitalist countries, the proletariat can regard the forces of social production as the basis for socialism, but it also has to win the battle for democracy by winning over the petty bourgeoisie and all disgruntled sections of capitalist society, in order to have the overwhelming majority of the people for the uprisings to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The capitalist class never gives up its power and wealth voluntarily but uses violence and deception to hold on to these, and it does not hesitate to use fascism to suppress the forces of socialism and the people. It is therefore necessary for the proletarian party to develop a revolutionary mass movement and prepare the means for frustrating or defeating state terrorism, and for establishing the state power of the proletariat. The proletariat cannot fulfil the historic mission of building socialism without state power. This is proletarian class dictatorship against bourgeois class dictatorship, and is at the same time proletarian democracy for the proletariat and the rest of the people.

In the underdeveloped or agrarian countries, where the peasantry still comprises the majority of the population, the proletarian revolutionary party adopts the line of people's democratic revolution led by the proletariat but is based mainly on the worker-peasant alliance. It can adopt the strategic line of protracted people's war, encircling the cities from the countryside in order to accumulate the political and armed strength to eventually seize power in the cities and on a national scale. In addition to the basic worker-peasant alliance, the party can build further alliances with the urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie, and take advantage of splits among the reactionaries.

In all kinds of countries, legal and illegal forms of struggle need to be carried out by the proletarian revolutionaries who lead a broad range of revolutionary forces. Even where there is yet no armed revolution by the proletariat and the people, the bourgeois can be repressive and outlaw activities that are legal in other times or other countries. When armed revolution is already surging, certain legal forms of struggle are still possible and necessary to isolate and weaken the enemy. In the general run of third world countries, the people suffer the main brunt of imperialist exploitation, oppression and aggression, thus the conditions for waging revolutionary wars are far more favorable than in the imperialist countries. The best possible situation for the world proletarian revolution is the interaction of revolutions in countries with different levels of development.

The revolutionary mass movement can pursue certain kinds of economic struggle, like strikes and blockades by the workers and peasants, boycotts or interdiction of goods and enterprises of the imperialist enemy, undertaking industrial cooperatives of workers, handicraft cooperatives of artisans, land reform and improvement of agricultural production. But it cannot rely mainly on these to take over the national economy. It is the politico-military struggle that makes the bourgeoisie lose its economic power and bureaucratic offices.

The proletarian revolutionaries, the cultural activists and the people can also engage in cultural struggle. They can create and promote cultural works to inspire more people to join and support the revolutionary movement. But only the politico-military struggle can make the reactionaries lose their control over the secular cultural institutions. Even then, unlike the power and wealth of the big bourgeoisie which can be confiscated, the ideas, sentiments and habits of the reactionaries will persist and can only be overcome or re-channelled persuasively by persevering in the revolutionary education of the current and future generations.

Build the socialist state and engage in socialist revolution in all fields!

Consequent to the smashing and dismantling of the military and bureaucratic machinery of the bourgeois state, the proletarian revolutionary party, the proletariat and the broad masses of the people can establish the socialist state and carry the socialist revolution forward, uphold and defend the national independence and socialist revolution, promote socialist democracy, socialize the commanding heights of the economy, carry out land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms when necessary as transition measures, foster a patriotic, scientific and socialist system of education and culture, establish diplomatic and trade relations with all countries, and uphold proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialist solidarity.

The democratic state power must protect and defend the proletariat and the people against imperialism and the exploiting classes. It must ensure and encourage the exercise and enjoyment of rights among the broad masses of the people individually and collectively. The revolutionary party of the proletariat must take the lead in the correct handling of contradictions of the people and must give full play to democracy. It must take care that the contradictions among the people are not confused with those between the people and the enemy.

The state must have a republican socialist constitution and must be under the leadership of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, on the basis of the participation and support of the broad masses of the people, and in cooperation with other democratic parties and mass organizations. The main component of state power is the people's army under the absolute leadership of the Party, and must be capable of defending national sovereignty and the socialist revolution against internal and external threats.

The constitution must prohibit imperialist intervention and domination, and the rule of any exploiting class. It must have a bill of rights which gives full play to democracy among the citizenry and all the patriotic and progressive forces within the framework of socialism. It must provide for the distinct executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, their powers and their obligations, and the methods for constituting them.

The national people's congress or parliament must have an Upper House of Labor which upholds the socialist constitution and ensures that legislation by the Lower House of Commons conforms to the constitution and to the socialist principles, policies and plans for developing the political, socio-economic and cultural system. The members of the House of Labor must be elected representatives of the Party and the workers of all major industries.

 The House of Commons must be a bigger body which includes representatives of the patriotic and progressive classes, forces and sectors and national minorities who are elected by the people at the appropriate levels of political subdivision. The national people's congress or parliament may be replicated at lower levels. And people's consultative assemblies may be formed at any level to prepare and support the work of their respective congress or parliament.

As soon as the socialist republic is established, such commanding heights of the economy as strategic industries, sources of raw materials, and the major means of transport and communication will come under public ownership. Transitory measures may be adopted to allow land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms, overcome the consequences of war and enemy blockades, and revive the economy in the quickest way possible. 

But all these measures are subject to the steady process of cooperativization and socialization. As soon as possible, a series of 5-year economic plans must be adopted and implemented to develop socialist industry, agricultural cooperation and mechanization, and such social services as public education, cultural work, health care, housing, sports and recreation..

The centralized economic planning must provide for a well-balanced allocation of resources and development. The strategic industries must be in the lead of development and agriculture must be the base of the economy, ensuring food self-reliance and some major raw materials. But light industries, which will provide basic consumer and producer goods as well as the social services, must be developed as quickly as possible in order to serve the immediate basic needs of the people.

There must also be a well-balanced distribution of economic development tasks between the central and lower levels of economic and social ministries or departments. The objective is to spread economic development nationwide, even as various levels of processing can be located close to the source of raw materials, and certain light industries and social services can be assigned to lower levels of the government.

In socialism, the general principle of compensating people for their work is to each according to his or her deeds. There will still be wage differentials on the basis of the quantity and quality of the work done. But certainly, the needs of those who have retired and those who are unable to work permanently or temporarily (children, women on maternity leave, the elderly, the sick, those with physical or mental impairments, and so on) will be provided for. As productivity rises and production expands, it becomes possible to decrease the number of working hours and raise the real income, unlike in the capitalist system in which the capitalists press down wages in order to maximise private profit. In the socialist system, aside from the assurance of full employment and rising real wages, the surplus value that used to be privately accumulated by the exploiters becomes social capital for expanding and improving production, infrastructure, social services, efficient administration, scientific and technological research and development, artistic cultural work and public performances, defense capabilities and environmental improvement.

It is realistic and reasonable to expect that, in so many vital respects, socialism advances towards communism. The rise in the quantity and quality of production and the efficiency in its organization, the decrease of working hours and increase of real income, and the expansion of social services move towards a classless society in which the needs for subsistence, good health, recreation and cultural upliftment of the individual and the entire community are fulfilled. But to proclaim prematurely the end of classes and the class struggle, and the withering away of the worker state is to encourage the abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary stand, viewpoint and method of thinking. This translates to becoming blind to the persisting reactionary die-hards and potentially new shoots of the bourgeoisie in socialist society and to the continuing threats from imperialism and the international bourgeoisie.

Lenin pointed out that socialism will take a whole historical epoch because of the persistence of imperialism and the increased resistance of the defeated domestic bourgeoisie by ten fold. By virtue of the proletarian revolutionaries’ respect for the freedom of thought and belief, the bourgeoisie can still persist and grow by using the bureaucracy, religious institutions and modern cultural institutions as refuge and cover, and ride on old customs and habits that favor reactionary thinking and acting. Mao observed the emergence and growth of the phenomenon of modern revisionism with a growing petty bourgeoisie as its social base in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and also the persistence of the bourgeoisie in Chinese socialist society. Thus, he fought against modern revisionism since the 1950s and eventually put forward the theory of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship.

It is easy to understand that it is foolish to suggest the withering away of the worker state in the face of imperialism still riding roughshod over the people of the world. After the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries, it should also be easy to understand that modern revisionism has been the most lethal poison to socialism. It is proven by history that it is possible to build socialism in one country and then several countries for several decades. But communism cannot be achieved without defeating imperialism, modern revisionism and reaction on a global scale. Thus, proletarian revolutionaries consider it of the highest importance to uphold proletarian internationalism against these anti-socialist and anti-communist adversaries.

The proletarian revolutionary parties and revolutionary mass organizations of the world must unite. They must strive to develop mutual understanding, fraternal relations, and mutual support and cooperation. Giving life to the slogan, “Workers of all countries, unite!”, the socialist state must give uppermost importance to the internationalist unity of the working class through the establishment and development of fraternal relations of working class parties and socialist states. It must strive to strengthen solidarity of all peoples, revolutionary parties and mass movements around the world in order to fight and defeat imperialism on a worldwide scale. Upon the global defeat of imperialism, communism is realizable.