Friday, November 30, 2018
The FBI and IRS just raided the office of Trump’s longtime tax attorney
The Deutsche Bank HQ Raid in Germany is subject of speculation about Trump VTB connections
Thursday, November 29, 2018
A Lesson from History: The Crimean War - A Million Dead - Why ?
Democracy and Class Struggle revisits the past looking for lessons about British Russian Relations - when the British and French choose to defend an Islamic State against a Christian one for Imperialist Reasons.
Also note an Islamic Jihad against Russia in 1850's
We call for the immediate recall of British Special Forces in the Ukraine.
The Crimean War in British History was an important transition point of rallying to the British Flag following the great working class struggles in British isles in 1830's and 1840's.
The working class in the British Isles was becoming Imperialist not just the bourgeoisie.
PS please note that the Light Brigade was the same force used against the working class that burned down the Carmarthen Workhouse.
WHEN WILL WE EVER LEARN ?
British Forces in Ukraine - Alexander Yakovenko on Ukraine
British Forces should withdraw from Ukraine Immediately - Black Propaganda against Russia - British Foreign Office pays journalists for Anti Russian stories - Integrity Initiative..
Wednesday, November 28, 2018
CNN excludes Communists from the Martin Niemoller Quotation continuing the US Tradition of falsification of Niemoller's quotation which is also on the US Holocaust Memorial
First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.
Niemöller created multiple versions of the text during his career, but evidence identified by professor Harold Marcuse at the University of California Santa Barbara indicates that the Holocaust Memorial Museum version is inaccurate because Niemöller frequently used the word "communists" and not "socialists."
The substitution of "socialists" for "communists" is an effect of anti-communism, and most ubiquitous in the version that has proliferated in the United States.
According to Marcuse, "Niemöller's original argument was premised on naming groups he and his audience would instinctively not care about. The omission of Communists in Washington, and of Jews in Germany, distorts that meaning and should be corrected."
Niemöller's earliest speeches, written in 1946, list the Communists, incurable patients, Jews or Jehovah's Witnesses, and civilians in countries occupied by Nazi Germany.
In all versions, the impact is carefully built up, by going from the "smallest, most distant" group to the largest, Jewish, group, and then finally to himself as a by then outspoken critic of Nazism. Niemöller made the cardinal "who cares about them" clear in his speech for the Confessing Church in Frankfurt on 6 January 1946, of which this is a partial translation:
When Pastor Niemöller was put in a concentration camp we wrote the year 1937; when the concentration camp was opened we wrote the year 1933, and the people who were put in the camps then were Communists.
Who cared about them? We knew it, it was printed in the newspapers.
Who raised their voice, maybe the Confessing Church?
We thought: Communists, those opponents of religion, those enemies of Christians - "should I be my brother's keeper?"
Then they got rid of the sick, the so-called incurables. - I remember a conversation I had with a person who claimed to be a Christian.
He said: Perhaps it's right, these incurably sick people just cost the state money, they are just a burden to themselves and to others.
Isn't it best for all concerned if they are taken out of the middle [of society]? -- Only then did the church as such take note.
Then we started talking, until our voices were again silenced in public. Can we say, we aren't guilty/responsible?
The persecution of the Jews, the way we treated the occupied countries, or the things in Greece, in Poland, in Czechoslovakia or in Holland, that were written in the newspapers
I believe, we Confessing-Church-Christians have every reason to say: mea culpa, mea culpa! We can talk ourselves out of it with the excuse that it would have cost me my head if I had spoken out.
This speech was translated and published in English in 1947, but was later retracted when it was alleged that Niemöller was an early supporter of the Nazis. The "sick, the so-called incurables" were killed in the euthanasia programme "Aktion T4".
A 1955 version of the speech, mentioned in an interview of a German professor quoting Niemöller, lists Communists, socialists, schools, Jews, the press, and the Church. An American version delivered by a congressman in 1968 includes industrialists, who were not persecuted by the Nazis, and omits Communists.
In 1976, Niemöller gave the following answer in response to an interview question asking about the origins of the poem. The Martin-Niemöller-Stiftung ("Martin Niemöller Foundation") considers this the "classical" version of the speech:
There were no minutes or copy of what I said, and it may be that I formulated it differently. But the idea was anyhow: The Communists, we still let that happen calmly; and the trade unions, we also let that happen; and we even let the Social Democrats happen. All of that was not our affair.
The Church did not concern itself with politics at all at that time, and it shouldn't have anything do with them either. In the Confessing Church we didn't want to represent any political resistance per se, but we wanted to determine for the Church that that was not right, and that it should not become right in the Church, that's why already in '33, when we created the pastors' emergency federation (Pfarrernotbund), we put as the 4th point in the founding charter:
If an offensive is made against ministers and they are simply ousted as ministers, because they are of Jewish lineage (Judenstämmlinge) or something like that, then we can only say as a Church: No. And that was then the 4th point in the obligation, and that was probably the first contra-anti-Semitic pronouncement coming from the Protestant Church.
Martin Niemöller was a German Lutheran pastor and theologian born in Lippstadt, Germany, in 1892. Niemöller was an anti-Communist and supported Adolf Hitler's rise to power at first. But when Hitler insisted on the supremacy of the state over religion, Niemöller became disillusioned.
He became the leader of a group of German clergymen opposed to Hitler.
In 1937 he was arrested and eventually confined in Sachsenhausen and Dachau.
He was released in 1945 by the Allies. He continued his career in Germany as a clergyman and as a leading voice of penance and reconciliation for the German people after World War II. His statement, sometimes presented as a poem, is well-known, frequently quoted, and is a popular model for describing the dangers of political apathy.
Mark Sleboda on the Real Reason Behind the Ukraine Martial Law
Poroshenko on CNN Amanpour programme getting worldwide coverage for his lies
Tuesday, November 27, 2018
Anonymous Integrity Initiative” Exposed as UK Special Ops vs EU Countries
Interesting that Anonymous Charity is now attacking socialism - we publish this for information - we do not endorse Anonymous Charity,
Monday, November 26, 2018
Ukraine : Martial Law declared for 60 Days
Poroshcenko playing Politics with War
Kerch Strait’s Closed! Russian Navy Arrests 3 Ukrainian Navy Ships Headed for Kerch Bridge
Democracy and Class Struggle says stop these provocations against the Russian Federation immediately - withdraw British Special Forces from Ukraine
India Joint Statement Signed by 16 Student Organizations from Various Nations on the arrest of Student Actvists
Joint Statement Signed by 16 Student Organizations from Various Nations on the arrest of Student Actvists
We come to know from various media reports that 4 activists of mass movement have been arrested by the police from Goaltore area of West Midnapur district.
Among them two activists are student activists named Tipu Sultan and Arka Deep Goswami who are our beloved comrades from United Students’ Democratic Front (USDF), Kolkata.
We also came to know from a reliable source that though police have arrested them on 12th of this month, they kept them illegally into their custody for 2 days after which only they were produced in the court on 14th of this month.
Not only that, police officials have beaten them mercilessly in their custody.
From media reports only, we could know that one of the students named Tipu Sultan has developed clots in his eyes because of severe torture by the police.
Also a case have been registered vide Goaltore PS Case No. – 220/18 dated 13.11.18 under Indian Penal Code Sections 121 (waging war against the state), 121A (conspiring to commit offence against the state), 120B (criminal conspiracy), 124A (sedition), and 149 (if an offence is committed by any member of an unlawful assembly, every other member shall be guilty of the offence).
Actually, from a report from USDF, the truth is that they went for a survey on the lifestyles of the people after which 7 people died out of starvation at Jangalmahal, West Bengal a week ago (according to govt. reports).
Students and democratic activists were arrested on false-fabricated charges from Jangalmahal on allegations of engaging in Maoist activities.
It is actually in tandem with the crackdown on democratic voices that we are witnessing nationally.
We, on behalf of Struggling Student organizations from various nations strongly condemn all of these illegal activities of the police authorities and demand strict action against the guilty.
We all know that Supreme Court has clearly stated in its verdict that ‘guilt by association’ and ‘guilt by suspicion’ are not guilt at all.
Hence, we demand the withdrawal of all the false charges leveled against the 4 activists and immediate and unconditional release of them.
Jointly Signed by: Bhushan Longjam, Secretary Gen., Socialist Students’ Union of Manipur (SSUM)
K. Javed Mehedi, General Secretary, Manipur Students’ Association Delhi (MSAD) Ajaib,
DSO, Punjab University, Patiala Swati, SFC, IIT-BHU, Prasanna, Chaitanya Mahila Sangam (CMS)
Democratic Students’ Union (DSU), Delhi University Ajmal Khan, Aaghaz magazine Akshay, AIRSO Rohan,
Ambedkar Bhagat Singh Study Circle (ABSC) Dinesh, Students’ Uprising Movement for Social Welfare (SUMS),
Tamil Nadu Sreekanth, Student Youth Coordination Against Police-Brutality,
Kerala Radical Students’ Forum, Kerala Shelu Neupane, Office Secretary,
All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union ( Revolutionary) Saeed Bilash, president Chatra Ganamanch,
Atif Anik, President, National Committee Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement, Bangladesh
Kara Lenina Taggaoa, National Spokesperson, League of Filipino Students.
Moscow has protested Kiev’s “planned” breach of Russian waters in the Kerch Strait
Moscow has protested Kiev’s “planned” breach of Russian waters in the Kerch Strait and cautioned Ukraine’s foreign backers against blowing the incident out of proportion. Russia will “strongly” respond to similar “provocations.”
Three Ukrainian military boats on Sunday tried to pass through the Kerch Strait apparently without prior warning, but were ordered to stop by Russian border guards. A confrontation ensued, ending with the three ships being seized by the Russian side.
The actions of the Ukrainian Navy “violated the rules of passage through Russian territorial waters,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement on Monday, adding that Moscow has summoned an emergency UN Security Council meeting to discuss the incident.
“Russia has repeatedly warned the Kiev regime and its Western supporters that fanning up the hysteria over the Azov Sea and the Kerch Strait was dangerous.
It’s obvious that there was a provocation, carefully planned in terms of location and form, which is aimed at flaring up yet another point of conflict in the region and creating a new pretext to impose more sanctions against Russia.”
Sunday, November 25, 2018
Ukrainian Provocation in Kerch Strait - Sea of Azov
Russia has fired at a group of three Ukrainian vessels that entered its territorial waters near Crimea, the Russian Security Service (FSB) has confirmed.
The ships have been now been seized.
Three Ukrainian sailors, injured in the altercation, were given medical assistance by Russian servicemen. Their lives are out of danger.
Ukrainian Navy ships the ‘Berdiansk’, the ‘Nikopol’ and the ‘Yany Kapu’ with their crews have been detained for violating Russian territorial waters, the FSB said in a statement Sunday.
They were ignoring "legal demands to stop" and "performing dangerous maneuvers," and the Russian warships had to open fire to force them to stop.
A criminal investigation has been launched into the suspected violation of the Russian state border.
The FSB is pointing out that Ukrainian authorities are aware of the procedure that regulates the passage of the military ships through Russian territorial waters.
Both sides have been accusing each other of violating the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Kiev argues that it had notified the Russian side in advance of its plan to sail from the Ukrainian Black Sea resort of Odessa to Mariupol, a port on the north coast of the Sea of Azov, a claim that the Russian coastguard denies.
The route goes through the Kerch strait, which separates Crimea from mainland Russia.
Kiev has called a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council [NSDC] to discuss imposing martial law, chairman Oleksandr Turchynov told media.
NATO has urged both parties to show restraint. NATO spokesperson Oana Lungescu said in a statement that NATO has been “closely monitoring developments in the Azov Sea and the Kerch Strait,” while voicing support to Ukraine.
“NATO fully supports Ukraine’s sovereignty and its territorial integrity, including its navigation rights in its territorial waters,”the statement read.
India : 50th Anniversary of Srikakulam Armed Struggle by Harsh Thakor
ON 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF HISTORIC SRIKAKULAM ARMED STRUGGLE LET US RESSURECT ITS GLORY.
WE MUST ALL DIP OUR BLOOD IN MEMORY OF ALL THE MARTYRS OF THE STRUGGLE WHOSE NAMES SHOULD BE WRITTEN IN GOLDEN LETTERS
THE REVOLT DEFINED A NEW EPOCH IN THE HISTORY OF INDIAN PEOPLE WAGING PATH OF PROTRACTED PEOPLES WAR IN CHALLENGING THE REACTIONARY BASTION OF THE INDIAN STATE AND BUILDING THEIR OWN REVOLUTIONARY POWER..
5O years ago on November 25th 1968 ,a new epoch was carved out in the history of India with the birth of the Srikakulam Armed peasant struggle Similar to the armed struggles of Telengana and Naxalbari it classically followed the Chinese path of protracted peoples war formulated by Chairman Mao.
It imbibed the spirit of the martyrdom of Comrade Che Guvera and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which strived to create the new Socialist man.
The armed struggle had it's genesis in the murder of two tribal activists on October 31st in 1967 Koraana and Maganna.and in the formation of the Girijan Sangham in 1959 which led a series of agitations.
Organized by communist school teachers Vempatapu Satyanarayana and Adibhatala Kailasam the Girijan Sangham launched struggles for the distribution of cultivable banjar lands, abolition of debt-peonage,fair prices for minor forest produce collected by the tribes, lifting of the prohibition on the use of forest timber by girijans,and agency autonomy under local tribal governance.
After 1964 with the slit of CPI,The Sangh supported the CPM. However Naxalbari was the focal point when the mass movement took a new shape and the landlords demanded further police protection and deployment.Clashes took place subsequently and section 144 was declared of the Criminal procedure code.wa sunlawfully declared.It was in this background that in Levdi on October 31st 1967 2 peasants were shot down..
In September 1968 the court acquitted those responsible for the murder of the 2 activists .In October 1968 after consulting Charu Mazumdar the Ryotana Sangrama Samiti was formed as a body to seize political power in the villages.The crux of the rise in tempo of the tribals was their heightened understanding of the nature of their opression and the zeal to build a new alternative. It was a combination of the opPressive conditions with the elevated political consciousness.
With Charu Mazumdar’s consent in October 1968,a decision was adopted by the AICCR to adopt the armed struggle and set up the Ryotanaga Sangrama Samiti as a body to facilitate the seizure of political power .
On November 25th the spark was lit with the raiding of the residence of notorious landlord-cum moneylender Teegala Narasimhulu ,seizing possession of hoarded paddy and food grains ,and seizing promissory notes and other legal records related to the debts of peasants had incurred over the years.The anti-landlord vigour was completely revealed here.
The preparation period had great significance from 1959-1967.The mass organization ,the Girijan Sangham created the fulcrum for building a broad based peasant movement.
10 demands formed the pivot of the struggles.
1.All lands seized illegally from the girijans from non -girijans should be returned.
2.Distribute banjar lands to non -girijans immediately.
3.All debts obtained by illegal methods should be abolished.Credit facilities should be provided sufficiently.
4.Agricultural implements and cattle should be supplied to Girijans to carry on agricultural operations.
5.Forest produce should be purchased from girijan s at reasonable rates.Consumer good sshould be suppplied to them at fair prices.
6.Those who extract labour from girijan
s should be severely punished.
7.Salaries to Palerla(farm servants) and wage rates for agricultural workers should be fixed in consonance with the cost of living.
8.There should be no restriction on the use of forest timber by Girijan s for their house construction and daily needs.
9.In the new atmosphere that will be created when the above programme is implemented ,educational and cultuarl programmes should be organized on a large scale.
10.Girijan areas should be declared as autonomous regions and its adminstartion should be handed over to the representatives of girijans.
The exploitation of the girijans was in the following forms.
1.Money Lending-To clear the debts ,Girijan shad to sell the grain,other crops and forest produce at lower rates to those money lenders.
2.Occupation of Girijan lands .Those who could not clear debts had to mortgae and sell awy their lands to money lenders.
3.Exploiting the agricultural labourers .In lands thus lost to landlords Girijan shad to work as palerlu and daily labour for nominal wages.
4.Purchase of forest produce .Girijan Corporation officers ,sahukars,money lenders were purchasing forest produce from Girijans at nominal rates and selling them outside for huge profits.
5.Exploitation of forest officers.The forest officers wee obstructing the girijans from cultuvating podu in forests and from collecting forest produce.Then they were demanding bribes ,mamuls and forced labour.(Vetti)
The following were the gains of the girijans.
1.From 1959 itself Girijans gradually re-occupied lands which were illegally seized by non -girijan sahukars.and landlords from them.Also they began to cultivate such lands.
2.1500 acres of forest waste lands were occupied and cultivated by girijans.
3.they refused to clear debts to the tune of about Rs 2 lakhs .
4.They got free timber for their agricultural use.
5.Attained reasonable rates for forest produce at weekly markets.
6.Free labour has been completely abolished.
7.The nominal rates for palerlu and daily labour were increased.Daily wage rates increased upto 12 times.
8.Forest timber has been taken freely for house construction and daily needs.
9The implementation of this programme brought a big mass upsurge.The cadre utilized this to raise the political consciousness of the Girijan sthrough cultural programmes ,night schols and reading to them the party journals regularly..
Communist revolutionaries on the organizational front constituted girijan comitees and party units.As part of the political education,Girijan cadre as part of the district cadre ,were imparted lessons on Telengana armed struggle and its experiences.Basic political propaganda was carried out that problems like land and constitution of autonomous regions will be solved only by the establishment of peoples democratic rule.
By the beginning of the 1967 rainy season,Girijan movement reached a new stage.Girijans had already occupied some of their lands.They occupied 800 more acres of land in posession of landlords and began cultivation.2500 acres of forest waste land was also cultivated.As a result of acute food shortage the people prevented the landlords and sahukars from exporting their grain to outside the are with a view to realize high rates.They saw that sufficient grains were stocked in girijan areas.Even the rates were decreased and merchants were made to sell rice at 2 sers per rupeee.Thus land distribution and grain distribution were implemented which led to amass revolt with people participating in huge numbers.Thus the girijan strugggle reached a higher stage.
Threatened by the mass upsurge the landlords and their goondas blocked some delegates who were going to the taluk conference and beat them mercilessly.When people protesed supporting the delegates ,the landlords opened fire and asassinated two girijan activists-Koranna and Maganna.
All this took place in village Levidi.A public rally to pay homage to the 2 martyrs was staged .Like wildfire protest rallies were launched al over the district like a spark turning into a torch ,blazing the flame of resistance.
How Chinese Loans become unrepayable by Jose Maria Sison
Statement by Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
November 21, 2018
It is not only the interest charge of 2% to 6% that makes Chinese loans for infrastructure projects ultimately too burdensome and unrepayable.
More importantly, it is the overpricing of the various parts and aspects of these projects that make these loans unrepayable.
The Chinese construction companies can at will overprice everything: the designs, the engineering services, the use of equipment, the supply of construction materials, the contracting of Chinese labor and so on.
The overpricing carries the much bigger hidden interest on the loans. The huge overprice allows payoffs to regime officials and translates into unrepayable amortization of principal and interest payment.
What the Chinese imperialists practise is similar to the swindle that Soviet social imperialism used to impose on socialist China in the latter half of the 1950s.
There was token or no interest at all charged on projects undertaken by the Soviet Union in China but the overprice made bigger profit than any open interest rate.
In contracts with Chinese banks and construction companies, there are provisions for the conversion of unpaid debts to Chinese equity as well as takeover of structures that the Chinese companies have built.
These are well exposed in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Maldives, Kenya and elsewhere. Mahatir Mohamad, Malaysian prime minister, has publicly warned against the loan shark operations of China.
Always hungry for natural resources to feed its industries, China is also notorious for holding as collateral the natural resources of its debt-enslaved client-states.
Thus it has required the Duterte regime to become an open traitor by practically exchanging Philippine sovereign rights over the West Philippine Sea and an estimated USD 60 trillion worth of oil, gas and other resources in lopsided exchange for the few billions of dollars worth of high interest loans for overpriced infrastructure projects.
By allowing China to be a partner and co-owner of joint undertakings to explore and exploit the energy resources in the West Philippine Sea, the Philippines is made to fall silent on and give up its sovereign rights and allow Chinese corporations to explore and exploit oil, gas and other resources, with Chinese corporations monopolizing the findings of explorations and the accounting of costs and outcomes in exploration and exploitation.
Under the traitorous and stupid Duterte regime, the Philippines submits to China’s requirement of giving up sovereign rights and natural patrimony not only by falling for a swindling debt trap but also simultaneously by accepting legal and political provisions that economic and trade and loan agreements are to be governed by and construed in accordance with Chinese laws and that any dispute with the Philippines on the terms of contracts is to be settled through arbitration by the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission. These provisions overrule any Philippine silence or equivocation about the sovereign rights in the West Philippine Sea.
The Chinese debt trap will be sufficient to convert the Philippines into a Chinese debt colony. But the accumulated Philippine debt from its traditional bilateral and multilateral creditors (US, Japan, World Bank, IMF and so on) will automatically increase as a result of the quantitative tightening (increased interest rate) already initiated by the US Federal Bank to counter the excessive US public debt incurred during the period of quantitative easing (low interest regime).
The only reason that Duterte and his cronies are jumping into the Chinese debt trap and the current treasonous act of surrendering sovereign rights and national patrimony to China is because they privately gain from contract shares and finder’s fees and they have apparently already received payoffs in advance in the form of the loans and accommodations already granted by Chinese banks and companies to Dennis Uy, Duterte’s front-man and bagman.
Saturday, November 24, 2018
British Special Forces in Ukraine Preparing Chemical Weapons and Black Ops Against Donbass
Democracy and Class Struggle calls for return of British Special Forces in Ukraine to UK immediately
The "Movement" How Steve Bannon's far-right 'Movement' stalled in Europe
Democracy and Class Struggle reject those that fail to understand the class nature of national politics that would force patriots verses globalism agenda on the national movements which would open the door to the most ferocious national fascism.
We live in the era of the twilight of the British State formation and the French State formation and the Spanish State formation and the disintegration of the European Union and liberation of previously nationally oppressed nations - that process will take universal as well as highly specific forms which will better understand over time.
The fierce defense of the artificial construct the French State against the rights of other nations in France is exemplified by Marine Le Pen in her non class rhetoric of patriots verses globalism that echo the declassed Trumpen proletariat.
Everything you know about Russia and the USSR is a lie. Dr. Grover Furr on C. Rising Radio Sinoland
Jeff Brown is based in Shenzen China and produces contradictory information on China but defends the Mao historical period.
We have different view on China from Jeff Brown - but still find him a useful source on revisionism in China - which he reports on but does not expose.
Good Information on Cultural Revolution from Rising China Sinoland but terrible apologetics on Xi Xingping.
Jeff Brown is blind to the Class Struggle in China including in Shenzen where he lives.
Lenin's Widow asks in 1936 "Why is the Second International Defending Trotsky ?
Thursday, November 22, 2018
Brazil: Police attempt to evict MST camp
Solidarity with MST brothers and sisters
Thanksgiving to 'Redskins' - Dispelling American Myths That Hide Native Genocide
SEE ALSO AUDIO BOOK
Russia’s 5th Column Speaks Out! “Oppositionists” Thank America for Sanctions on Their Country - We also visit the Old Fifth Columnists of Russia
A Fifth Column is nothing knew to Russia one of the most dangerous existed in the 1930's and 1940's but hardly gets mentioned in the West and its history has yet to be written.
One of the stars of Russia's old Fifth Column was Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzavesky
|Born||Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzaevsky|
11 August 1907
Blagoveshchensk, Russian Empire
|Died||30 August 1946 (aged 39)|
Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
|Political party||Russian Fascist Party|
Konstantin Vladimirovich RodzaevskyThe Russian Fascist Party (RFP) (Russian: ), sometimes called the All-Russian Fascist Party, was a Russian émigré movement that was based in Manchukuo during the 1930s and 1940s.
Fascism had existed amongst the Manchurian Russians and had been promoted by the minor Russian Fascist Organization amongst others. The defeat of the White Armies in the Russian Civil War, which discredited the older White leaders, together with the rise of the Fascism in Italy caused much of the younger Russian emigres to look for fascism as an alternative that might best Communism.:160
The fascist movement among the Russian emigres existed around the world, but the majority of those inclined were to be found in Manchuria and the United States.:161 A number of Russians had settled in Manchuria when the region was occupied by Russia in the years 1900-1905, which further increased by an influx fleeing after the Red Army victory in the Russian Civil War.:161
A secret convention of the various groups was held, leading to the foundation of the RFP under the presidency of Major General Vladimir Dmitrievich Kozmin. Konstantin Rodzaevsky became Secretary General of the party's central committee on May 26, 1931, becoming the de facto leader of the party. Adopting the slogan "God, Nation, Labour" and publishing the journal Natsiya, the party called for Italian-style fascism to take advantage of the shaky position of the Bolshevik leaders in the face of both external and internal opposition.:159–161
During the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931-32, the Russian Fascist Party came out very strongly in the support of Japan, forging close links with the Kwantung Army that lasted until 1945.:162
By cooperating with Japan, the RFP became the most influential émigré group in Manchukuo, setting up a party school in Harbin in 1932.:162 Rodzaevsky also assisted the Imperial Japanese Army in the formation of the Asano Detachment, the all ethnic Russian special forces in the Kwantung Army, organized for carrying out sabotage against Soviet forces in case of any Japanese invasion of Siberia and Russian Far East areas.
The party also developed close links to like-minded groups in the United States, including Anastasy Vonsyatsky during his exile.:162–164 On March 24, 1934 a merger was agreed in Tokyo between the RFP and Vonsyatsky's supporters (who also used the label All-Russian Fascist Organisation), although they would later clash over Rodzaevsky's attempts to accommodate more conservative Russians, as well as his anti-Semitism, which Vonsyatsky rejected.
In a pamphlet published in Connecticut in 1932 titled On Russian Jews, Vonsyatsky had written: "Among the Jews, only the red Jew is our enemy. Do not touch the peaceful Jewish inhabitant, his wife or his children. We are Christians. We do not shed innocent blood, we do not lament the guilty".:167 By contrast, Rodzaevsky's followers had been translating various völkisch tracts from German into Russian since 1932, and he had been an open admirer of Nazi Germany right from the beginning.:167
Much to his own discomfort, the Kwantung Army forced Rodzaevsky to concede that in the event of a war with the Soviet Union, all of the Russian emigres in Manchuria were come under the command of Ataman Grigory Semyonov, which caused tensions with Vonsyatsky, who argued that Semyonov was an incompetent general who had been defeated in the Russian Civil War, and an unsavory character to boot, being well known in Manchuria for his involvement with organized crime.:166
In an open letter published on 31 December 1934, Vonsyatsky condemned Rodzaevsky for his "deviations" by agreeing to work with Semyonov.:162 Rodzaevsky justified his willingness to work with the Kwantung Army under the grounds: "Japan is the only country not interested in the dismemberment of Russia, but the creation of a great and powerful Russia, which would be Japan's friend".:166 Vonsyatsky argued that the "liberation of Russia" could only be accomplished by the Russians themselves, and was against working with foreign powers.:167 Eventually the RFP broke with the Americans, and in 1935 Vonsyatsky was expelled, breaking off to form a more minor movement in the United States:165–168 called "Russian National Revolutionary Party", which was of anti-communist orientation and claimed that their only intention was "to form in Russia a truly democratic government".
Nevertheless, the RFP under Rodzaevsky had grown strong and he claimed in a speech on 22 May 1935 to have 20,000 activists organized in 597 local chapters across the world, with the majority being in Manchukuo.
:166 Subsidiaries of the RFP were set up - Russian Women's Fascist Movement (RGFD), Fascist Union of Youth, Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (boys), Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (girls), Union of Fascist Little Ones. Rodzaevsky's book, The Russian National State, outlined the programme of the party to establish fascism in Russia by May 1, 1938, including a desire to get rid of the Jews, indicating a strong break from the Vonsyatsky-wing.
The party also had a strong commitment to the Russian Orthodox Church, promising a special relationship between the Church and the state in his projected fascist Russia. The group also promised to respect the traditions of Russia's nationalities and instigate corporatism.:168–171 In a series of articles published in the spring of 1935, Rodzaevsky gave as his aims the "liquidation of Jewish rule in Russia", the re-establishment of the Eastern Orthodox Church as the state religion of Russia, rejection of the "tendency towards cosmopolitanism", and "Russia for the Russians".:168-170 Rodzaevsky called "class co-operation" instead of "class conflict", which was to be achieved via an Italian style "corporate state", which would mediate between the interests of labor and capital by imposing "national unions".:56
Rodzaevksky stated that once the Soviet regime was overthrown, he would create a "temporary dictatorship" that would establish a "federated state", and he never explicitly claimed that he was to serve as a leader, but his rhetoric left little doubt that he saw himself as the future vozhd of a fascist Russia.:56
Rodzaevksy's definition of Russian nationalism did not define Russianness in ethnic terms so much, but rather in terms of a "common historical destiny", which meant that provided that they were loyal the Russian state (with the exception of the Jews who Rodzaevsky saw as born disloyal), all of the non-Russian ethnic groups were to be considered "Russian".:170 Though Rodzaevsky excoriated Imperial Russia in many ways, his definition of Russian nationalism as those loyal to the Russian state owed much to definition of Russianness in the Imperial period, where those who were loyal to the House of Romanov were considered Russian, regardless of what their language was. Under his leadership, Rodzaevsky envisioned Russia taking back Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Finland, and in addition, he planned to annex Romania, Bulgaria, Iran, Afghanistan, and Mongolia.:170
Finally, to finally resolve the problem of "domination by the Jews and Freemasons", Rodzaevsky called for an alliance of Fascist Russia, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.:170 A problem with this future foreign policy was the open anti-Slavic racism expressed by the Nazis, who saw all Slavs as untermensch (sub-humans) and the Soviet Union as a place that was to be Germany's Lebensraum ("living space") that would be colonized by millions of Germans after the Soviet Union was conquered.:170 One of the völkisch tracts not translated into Russian by the Russian Fascist Party was Mein Kampf, as Hitler's denigration of Slavs as untermensch and his statements that Germany's lebensraum was to be found in the Soviet Union presented problems for the Russian Fascists.:170
Rodzaevsky wrote to Hitler, asking him to amend Mein Kampf, and upon receiving no reply, finally did translate Mein Kampf into Russian in 1936 with the offending passages removed.:170–171 In his speeches to his followers, Rodzaevsky praised Hitler as a "great statesmen" and tried to explain away Hitler's anti-Russian statements and his intentions to colonize Russia in Mein Kampf as something that was written a long time ago that was not relevant at present, saying he knew Hitler had changed his views about Russia.:171
Several of the RFP leaders called for the restoration of the monarchy, but Rodzaevsky himself was vague on this issue until 1940, only saying that a Russia under his leadership would not be a republic and refused to commit himself explicitly to a Romanov restoration.:171
In November 1935, the psychological war laboratory of the German Reich Ministry of Defence submitted a study about how best to undermine Red Army morale should a German-Soviet war break out. The Wehrmacht had dispatched a team to Manchukuo to contact the leaders of the Russian Fascist Party and working together the German-Russian team created a series of pamphlets written in Russian for distribution in the Soviet Union by Germany.
The pamphlets written in Manchukuo were designed to play on Russian anti-Semitism, with one pamphlet calling the "Gentlemen commissars and party functionaries" a group of "mostly filthy Jews", and ended with the call for "brother soldiers" of the Red Army to rise up and kill all of the "Jewish commissars".
Although this material was not used at the time, later in 1941 the material the psychological war laboratory had developed in 1935 in Manchukuo was dusted off, and served as the basis not only for German propaganda in the Soviet Union but also for propaganda within the Wehrmacht for Operation Barbarossa.
The party maintained very close links with Japanese military intelligence, and in January 1934, Rodzaevsky visited Tokyo to ask the Army minister General Sadao Araki for a Japanese support to raise an army of 150, 000 men from ethnic Russian population of Manchukuo that would be led by him to invade the Soviet Union. Nothing came of this plan, not the least of which that was the Russian Fascist Party did not command the loyalty of 150, 000 that Rodzavesky claimed would flock to his banner.
From 1936 onward, members of the party were infiltrated into the Soviet Far East from Manchukuo to engage in sabotage and hand out pamphlets calling for the overthrow of the Soviet regime.
This was extremely dangerous work, and most of the volunteers who infiltrated the Soviet Union were captured; in July 1938, a "spy school" was established to provide training for the volunteers, but the capture rate remained high, right up to April 1941 when the Soviet-Japanese non-aggression pact put an end to these operations. The Kwantung Army operated a secret biological-chemical warfare unit, Unit 731, based in Pinfang, that performed gruesome experiments on people that usually involved much evisceration of the subjects to see the effects of chemicals and germs on the human body that were always fatal for the subject.
In the late 1930s, the doctors of Unit 731 demanded more white subjects to experiment upon in order to test the efficiency the strains of anthrax and plague that they were developing to kill whites, having already mastered strains capable of killing Asians by much experimentation on Chinese subjects, and as such a great many of the Russians living in Manchukuo found themselves the unwilling human guinea pigs of Unit 731.
The Russian Fascists were used by the Kwantung Army to kidnap various "unreliable" Russians living in Manchukuo for Unit 731 to experiment upon.
From 1940 to December 1941, there was a resumption of cooperation between Konstantin Rodzaevsky and Anastasy Vonsyatsky, interrupted by the start of Japanese-American War.
When war was declared, the activities of the RFP outside Manchuria slowly came to an end whilst the group was restricted by the Japanese following the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of 1941. In 1941, the Soviet spy ring headed by Richard Sorge in Tokyo was uncovered, which caused the Japanese to have an exaggerated and paranoid fear that Soviet spies were everywhere.:318
The Kenpeitai began to suspect in early 1943 that Rodzaevsky was in fact a Soviet agent, and in May 1943, he was arrested and taken in for questioning by the Kenpeitai, before being released in June 1943.:318–319 In July 1943, following complaints from the Soviet ambassador to the Japanese about the anti-Soviet statements coming from the Russian émigrés in Manchukuo, the Japanese shut down Nash Put.:329
By mid 1943, following the Soviet victories at Stalingrad and Kursk, the Japanese no longer took it for granted that the Soviet Union was going to be defeated by Germany while they themselves had suffered a number of defeats at the hands of the Americans, which made Tokyo anxious to avoid a war with the Soviet Union.:329 From the viewpoint of Tokyo, the Russian Fascist Party by the middle of 1943 had become a liability that was straining relations with Moscow, which caused the Japanese to shut down the RFP's media outlets.:329 The group came to an end in 1945, when the Red Army invaded Manchukuo in the Soviet invasion of Manchuria, with Rodzaevsky eventually surrendering before being executed the following year.:172–173
The SS Sturmbrigade RONA in Latin, RONA), nicknamed the "Kaminski Brigade" after its commander, SS-Brigadefuhrer Bronislav Kaminski, was a collaborationist force originally formed from a Nazi-led militia unit in the Lokot Autonomy, a small puppet regime set up by the Germans to see if a Russian puppet government would be reliable. Kaminski and the leader of the government, Konstantin Voskoboinik, killed by partisans in 1942, formed a unit that had a strength of 10,000—15,000. As the Red Army advanced, the Kaminski troops were forced to retreat into Belarus, and then into Poland in 1944.
There, the RONA was reorganized into an SS brigade, the majority of which were Russians, with the rest comprising other Soviet ethnicities including Ukrainians, Belarusians and Azerbaijanis. In August, 1,700 brigade troops under Major Yuri Frolov were sent to Warsaw to quell an uprising. During it, the RONA troops became infamous for their atrocities, committing murder, rape, and theft. Some were reported to have left the combat zone with carts full of stolen goods. About 400 soldiers were lost in combat, including Frolov.
At the end of August, Bronislav Kaminski was killed.
His death was surrounded with mystery as, while official records state that he was killed by Polish partisans, it is believed that Kaminski was executed by the SS.
The reasons are thought to be his unit's war crimes and/or now that Heinrich Himmler supported the Russian Liberation Army of General Andrey Vlasov, he wanted to eliminate a potential rival.
The rest of the brigade was reformed into the 29th SS Waffen Grenadier Division "RONA", which was disbanded in November 1944. Its remaining 3,000–4,000 members were sent to join Vlasov's army.
We Love Masha ! Absurd and Orwellian! Russian Cartoon for Toddlers Accused of Hacking Children’s Minds
Wednesday, November 21, 2018
If you do big enough business with USA you can murder at will: Trump not taking punitive measures against Saudis over Khashoggi
Democracy and Class Struggle says it is a mean and nasty world because of likes of Trump and Pompeo covering for a Saudi Muderous lunatic called MBS.
Tuesday, November 20, 2018
Grover Furr Lecture on anti-Stalin propaganda
Democracy and Class Struggle says some good questions asked and answered by Grover Furr - pity about audio quality.
International Seminar on Nationality Question | William Hinton | Saibaba | Varavararao
International Seminar on Nationality Question in Delhi 16-19th February 1996
Monday, November 19, 2018
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz - An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States Audiobook
Roxanne Dunbar Ortiz understands the importance of Land and Land Tenure in History.
Land is the key to bottom up - ground up history - and critical to development of Historical Materialism as a Science of History.
Why America? Mass Shootings & White Nationalism Share Roots : Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz to discuss her latest book “Loaded: A Disarming History of the Second Amendment”.
Excellent Historical Overview
Soviet Nations and Russian Civil War
Democracy and Class Struggle does not agree with all views expressed in this video - but is is one of the few resources that focuses on the National Question in the Russian Revolution which we feel has not had enough attention from comrades.
Yuri Slezkine a Russian Expert on the National Question who is profoundly anti communist provides a backhanded compliment in the article below to the Bolsheviks for their support of national minorities - similar to Putin he sees this as a Bolshevik mistake as a time bomb under Russia not as an extension of democracy like Lenin.
THE REAL MEANING OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION BY NICKGLAIS
The real meaning of the October revolution is lost in the celebration of it as an historic event - the event came at the end of a long revolutionary social process which goes back to 1905 if not earlier of the birth of a party that built revolution - the Bolshevik Party.
The Bolshevik Party was versatile and offered full spectrum resistance to the Tzarist Military Feudal State from assassination to participation in the Duma - from mass strike to bank robberies - organizing oppressed nationalities to setting up peasant committees.
It was a class war of peasants/proletariat it was also a People's war of the oppressed - in fact a Revolutionary Protracted Peoples War as later theorized by Mao Zedong and Chairman Gonzalo.
In essence the October Revolution was the result of years of work and not just an event in October 1917 - that was just its dramatic appearance on the world stage.
Protracted Peoples War was the essence of the Russian Revolution - Leninism was proto Maoism with Land Peace and Bread being a precursor of the Mass Line.
The other key element of the Russian Revolution that does not get the attention it deserves is Bolshevik nationalities policy and the right of nations to self determination.
The Bolsheviks were not only for socialism but against empire.
The working class could now take over direction of the national struggle from a hesitant and nervous bourgeoisie as part of the struggle for socialism.
The bourgeoisie became more cosmopolitan and was no longer interested in the local democracy of self determination.
This extended the appeal of socialist revolution to wider sections of the people.
The real meaning of the October Revolution will not be revealed by the bourgeoisie but is part of the struggle for clarity that Marxist Leninist Maoists make in the 21st century in the struggle for socialism.
The real meaning of the October Revolution will not be revealed by the bourgeoisie but is part of the struggle for clarity that Marxist Leninist Maoists make in the 21st century in the struggle for socialism.
Sunday, November 18, 2018
Recent Scholarship on Eric Williams’ Capitalism and Slavery by Teresa Frizell
In 1944, Eric Williams wrote a book that was either quickly praised or quickly dismissed. However, initial reaction underestimated the impact of the text. 50 years later, the assertions presented in Capitalism and Slavery are still debated by historians when discussing the impact of slavery on the Industrial Revolution.
In one of two main theses, “Capitalism and Slavery” asserted that triangular trade was instrumental in developing the capital used in launching Britain’s industrial revolution. In 1975, Roger Anstey refuted that premise and, in fact, felt that the Williams text had been unequivocally disproved. Yet in 1997, Robin Blackburn published a text supporting Williams. The question of slavery’s impact on the industrial revolution is still at large and, in the words of one wise professor, “It won’t be solved with numbers.” Nonetheless, it is worthwhile to examine some of the writings on the topic in an attempt to elucidate to the reader some of the main points of the debate.
Williams gave as his evidence connections between slave traders or West Indian sugar planters and three economic sectors crucial to the industrial revolution: banking, heavy industry, and insurance. In Liverpool especially, slave traders founded major banks or those associated with the trade. Men who had accumulated their capital in the African trade in 1753 founded Heywood Bank. The Leylands were another family of slave traders turned bankers. The Barclays traded slaves in 1756 before establishing their bank, one of the largest in Britain today. Banks were also established in Manchester and Glasgow, both closely connected with the cotton trade, and hence with slavery, and in Bristol and London, both competing with Liverpool before the 1770’s for control of the slave trade.
In heavy industry, some of the capital, which supported metallurgical industries, came directly from the triangular trade. The team of Boulton and Watt is a well-known example, receiving advances from Lowe, Vere, Williams, and Jennings. These men had ships trading with the West Indies and used the profits to invest in the steam engine; their desire was to have it speed up sugar processing.
Triangular trade was also associated with insurance companies. The famous Lloyds of London started as a coffee shop where escaped slaves could be returned and claimed; Lloyds also offered insurance against fires in the West Indies from the early days of insurance.
Williams’ style and loose connections have been widely condemned as anecdotal by economic historians. In 1972, Roger Anstey published a response to Capitalism and Slavery in his book, The Slave Trade and British Abolition. Anstey makes extensive use of economic calculations in order to prove his argument that the slave trade did not have a major impact on the industrial revolution. Anstey calculates that profits from the slave trade came to about nine percent of the amount invested. In real money terms, this would be slightly over nine million pounds total profit in the second half of the 17th century. The annual average came to about 200,000 pounds. By 1800, the national ratio of investment to national income was about seven percent; national income was about 180 million pounds, so national investment was 12.6 million pounds per year. If slave-trading profits followed other investment tendencies, meaning seven percent was invested, the slave trade profits that were invested totaled 14,000 pounds per year, which is 0.11% of the total national investment. In the unlikely situation that all slave trade profits were invested, they would account for 1.59% of total national investment.
Anstey continued by focusing in on industrial investments. Industrial investments accounted for about 20% of total national investments at this time; slave trade investments would have accounted for .56% of all industrial investments. If you assume that all slave trade profits were invested directly into industrialism, they would have accounted for 7.94% of the total. According to Anstey, these numbers soundly disprove Williams’ thesis that the triangular trade was the springboard to industrialism.
Williams’ thesis did not rest solely on the contribution of slave trade capital. Other major contributors of the triangular trade (now broadened and more often known as the Atlantic System) were the sugar colonies of the West Indies. According to Williams, mercantilism stimulated industrial development. Drescher, in his reassessment of Capitalism and Slavery, does not agree with the slave trade’s premier importance in accumulating industrial capital. He does however state that among historians there is a “broadening consensus on slavery’s decisive role in the creation of the Atlantic economic system.” Without slavery, there would have been few to no sugar plantations. These plantations were a vital part of Britain’s industrialization by providing an outlet for manufactured goods, as there was little to no manufacturing on the islands.
In The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution Davis writes that 60-70 percent of all slaves who survived the middle passage toiled in the sugar plantations of the West Indies. These societies had very unbalanced economies, with few people interested in the islands’ long-term welfare. West India had extremely high absentee rates, and most white men who lived there did so with a hope to leave rich after 20 years. There was no real development of resources other than sugar, tobacco, and indigo because the residents were not trying to create a society; they were merely trying to make money. By the turn of the 19th century, the West Indies were a sinking ship; a Parliamentary protection hid the problems of increasing costs, over-investment in slaves, and high debt. According to Davis, this society was supported by and supported the Industrial Revolution.
Joseph Inikori in “Slavery and the Development of Industrial Capitalism in England,” argued that from the mid-fourteenth through the mid-fifteenth centuries, population growth was rapid enough that Britain could move towards a capitalist economy: not all workers were needed to grow food to sustain the population. By 1650, the still-rapid population growth demanded employment outside of agriculture. The growth of overseas trade provided that employment. Exports soon became the largest contributors to the move towards a capitalist England. Inikori gives as an example the change in manufactured exports from 1700 to 1811. In 1700 manufacturing, mining, and building made 18.5 million pounds, of which 3.8 million were exports and 14.7 million were consumed at home. In 1811, the same three industries made 62.5 million pounds, of which 28.2 million were exports and 34.3 million were for home consumption. This means that the percentage of mining, manufactured, and building products that was exported rose from 20 percent to 45 percent in the course of the 18th century. These exports largely went to the West Indian colonies. Without such a high rate of exports, industrialization would have been considerably slower.
Recent studies have begun to look at the Atlantic system as a whole, and how it contributed to the rise of industrialization in Britain. To those unfamiliar, the Atlantic system is the integration of the African and Atlantic slave trades, all Atlantic colonies (including British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish colonies), and Europe, remembering that capital traveled freely through trade among all parts of the system. Williams alluded to this when he spoke of “triangular trade.” Recent scholars have elaborated on the concept of triangular trade; hence the new name, the Atlantic System.
Using new numbers computed by Thomas and Ward, along with Anstey’s percentages, Robin Blackburn has recently re-computed the likely contribution of Atlantic system capital to the Industrial Revolution. He calculates the figures for basic profits from the Atlantic system in 1770 as follows (in pounds):
Thomas/Ward plantation profits: 1,307,000
Anstey slave trade profits: 115,000
West Indian trade: 1,075,000
African Trade: 300,000
Blackburn calculates that the total profits earned from the Atlantic system are almost three million pounds. His upper estimate is 4,336,000 pounds. Blackburn goes on to say that there is reason to believe that re-investment of these profits was quite high, between 30 and 50 percent. This means that Atlantic System profits could account for one-half to four-fifths of the gross fixed capital needed to finance a major industrial undertaking. One major undertaking in this time was canal building; merchants and bankers and manufacturers contributed 36 percent of the finances used to build canals in 18th century. Those are the very people involved in trade within the Atlantic. Even following Anstey’s figures, Blackburn has shown that the Atlantic system did have a likely impact on financing the industrial revolution. It is not as high as Williams claimed, nor was it as low as Anstey rebutted.
Blackburn used the framework of primitive accumulation to prove the import of the Atlantic system to the Industrial Revolution. According to Marx, capitalism first required a phase of “primitive accumulation,” a period in which people acquired capital, which they were then able to invest. Adam Smith called this phase “previous accumulation.” Blackburn believes the West Indies provided a state of “extended primitive accumulation,” meaning the West Indies offered an opportunity to constantly acquire capital to invest. This allowed Britain to produce more than its mainland population and agricultural capabilities would allow. Blackburn cites Davis’ figures on exports by location, finding that exports to the Atlantic colonies were 43 percent from 1784-86 and 57 percent from 1806-08. To further his argument, he cites Crafts’ newest numbers, which show that the rise of exports contributed 56.3 percent of the total rise in industrial output from 1700-60, and 46.2 percent from 1780-1800. This offers convincing evidence of the importance of the Atlantic system in promoting the Industrial Revolution.
Hobsbawm extends the import of trade to include Asian trade. His “dependent” economies consist of formal colonies -- such as the West Indies, points of trade that were dominated by Western Europe -- such as China or Japan, and advancing economies -- such as Eastern Europe. Hobsbawm goes beyond the Atlantic system, but still includes it in his research. According to Hobsbawm, these dependent economies offered the “spark” needed to ignite the Industrial Revolution. He offers figures for the increase in output for home and export industries. While home industries increased by seven percent between 1700-1750 and eight percent between 1750-1770, export industries increased by 77 and 80 percent in those time periods respectively. According to Hobsbawn, export industries were able to surge ahead of domestic industries because of their tendencies to capture foreign markets and destroy foreign competition. Therefore, these numbers are not completely accurate, as some of them include goods manufactured in other countries that have been taken over.
In his recent book, Pomerantz supports the conclusion that colonies were a vital ingredient in the Industrial Revolution. He compares European economies to those of China and Japan. In the mid-18th century, the economies were very similar. Europe was able to surge ahead industrially not through internal advantages but through external ones. According to Pomerantz, these were the extra markets and “ghost acreage” provided by Atlantic colonies.
Prior to and since the publication of Capitalism and Slavery, historians have given many arguments for the uniqueness of Britain’s Industrial Revolution. Many of these are linked to the sometimes-called Agricultural Revolution, which started earlier and exponentially increased, the food available in Britain at a lower labor cost. Others feel it was the abundance of coal that gave Britain’s its edge. Still others would look to the growth of home markets to explain. It is impractical to ignore this matter of slavery; British colonies were an obvious source of wealth at this time, and slaves made the wealth in many of those colonies. We may never have the exact figures, nor may we see the intricate linkages, but it is obvious that, without slavery, the Industrial Revolution would not have been the British advantage it was.
Anstey, Roger. The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition. Macmillan, 1975.
Blackburn, Robin. The Making of New World Slavery. Verso Press, 1997.
Clemens, Paul. “The Rise of Liverpool,” Economic History Review, Vol. 29 No. 2 (May 1976) pp. 211-225.
Davis, David. The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution. Cornell University Press, 1975.
Drescher, Seymour. Econocide: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition. University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977.
Drescher, Seymour. “Capitalism and Slavery after 50 years.” From Slavery to Freedom. New York University Press, 1997.
Inkori, Joseph. “Slavery and the development of Industrial Capitalism in England.” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 17 No 4 (Spring 1987) 771-793.
William, Eric. Capitalism and Slavery. University of North Carolina Press, 1944.
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