Wednesday, May 31, 2017

Celebrating 50 years since Naxalbari - The Tarimela Nagi Reddy - D V Rao Line Part 6 by Harsh Thakor

These articles reflect the personal views of Harsh Thakor




In my view no revolutionaries were greater architects of the mass revolutionary line than comrades Tatrimela Nagi Reddy and Devullpali Venkateswara Rao.This yrar is their birth centenary year of both comrdaes with TN born on Feb 11th 2017 and DV born in June 1st 2017.

On the theoretical plane no Indian revolutionary has equalled the contribution of ‘Andhra thesis’ covering  Telengana armed struggle written by Comrdae DV Rao and on the practical plane no comrade surpassed DV’s contribution in the Telengana Armed Struggle from 1946-51.

The base for the struggle aginst left adventurism and agrarian revolutionary movement was laid by these 2 comrades.In fact the basic documents of what later was the Coomunist Party Re-Organization Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist) was written by Comrade D,V.

However it was T.Nagi Reddy who from 1967 played the major role in practicing the line and giving the required leadership for the mass line,being such a skilled orator.Thus it came to be know as the Nagi Reddy line.

This line formulated the Andhra Pradesh state Commitee leadership..Morally to me TN and DV did not prescribe stages theory by  deferring g armed struggle in 1968 as analyzed by intellectuals supporting the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.(M.L) and it’s later ofshots like C.P.I.(M.L.) Peoples War group

Of course historically a series of splits took place and eventually even DV Rao veered  and supported Dengist Chinese and theory of three worlds.

Today what is practiced by the Communist Party Re-Organization Centre of India (M.l.)is based on the TN-DV line.2 comrades who made the bigets contribution in practicing this line in later decades were Harbhajan Sohi and Anand.

Given below are two extracts which throw more light on TN’s illustrious life and work.
Extract 1 : A few words about TN’s life and work.

By DV Rao

                                                                           D V Rao

A few words about TN’s life and work by DV Rao

Comrade Tarimela Nagi Reddy (TN) was born (11-2-1917) in a well-to-do family. He completed his M.A.. and was about to complete Law, when he was arrested by the British imperialists for his revolutionary activities. He was associated with the then existing communist party ever since he started his political activities. He was a good orator, agitator and organiser.

He had organised and led many a struggle of the rural poor against the atrocities of the landlords. He has led the underground life during the period of 1947-51 when he was the leader and Secretary of the Regional Committee of Rayala Seema in Andhra Pradesh (then the composite Madras province). The authorities could not arrest him in spite of the best efforts till he himself had come out in 1952. Eversince he was either a member of Legislature or the Parliament, till he resigned from the Legislature of Andhra Pradesh in 1969.

He was always towards the Left in all controversies which arose inside the party. He had finally chosen his place in the ranks of communist revolutionaries, and remained there till the end.

He fought against right opportunism and left adventurism and the present work (India Mortgaged) is a product of this struggle. It is not accidental that he was writing an article against revisionism just two days before his death when his pen stopped writing. Such was his glorious revolutionary career.
Silver-tongued orator as he was, his speeches inside and outside the Legislature and Parliament were full of substance.

He was well-read and he knew what he was speaking about, which is a rare exception in Indian orators. He had been unparalleled propagandist of communist revolutionary line. He went underground to carry on revolutionary activities immediately after the proclamation of Emergency towards the end of June 1975.

While being underground he devoted his attention to strengthen and improve the organisation on an all Indian scale in general, and Andhra Pradesh in particular. He worked for the unity of communist revolutionaries till the end of his life.

He held leading positions inside the party. He was a member of the National Council in the United party. He was the Convener of the Co-ordination Committee of Andhra Communist Revolutionaries. He was the member of Central Committee of the U.C.C.R.I. (M.L.) [Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist – Leninist)], at the time of his death. He took a leading role in its formation.

He worked for Indian Revolution to the last day of his life. The advancing age was no bar to his work as an orator, organiser and writer. His death was sudden and he spent only two days in the hospital. He was conscious to the last minute. We could not save him inspite of the best efforts of the doctors and the comrades attending him. He died on 28th July, 1976, in Osmania General Hospital, Hyderabad, at the age of 59.

His loss is irreparable to Indian Revolution and communist revolutionaries.

He loved the people immensely and the people reciprocated it in the same degree. He is known for knowing the pulse of the people, and was acting accordingly. He was one of the architects of communist revolutionary line and he defended it against the campaign let loose by, adversaries.
He was in Indian revolutionary political scene for more than 35 years. He sacrificed what all he had for Indian Revolution. He is the product of the best in the communist revolutionary movement. It is a proud privilege of communist revolutionaries to have him as their leader.

A brief account of  DV Rao’s  life and work.

Of particular importance is the fact that he was the pioneer of the programme of land distribution and of volunteer squads. He was the first to grasp that rural poor were thirsting for land as early as 1944 and initiated the programme for land distribution during the 1946 struggles in Nalgonda district. He raised the first volunteer squad from the peasantry of Devaruppala village of Nalgonda district which soon spread far and wide and became a movement. It is after this that the village Sanghams came to be known as the Gutupala Sanghams. (Gutupa in Telugu means a full-sized lathi of local make. Gutupala Sangham means an organisation of people who wield these lathis for defending their movement and its gains.).

In the document which he wrote in 1949 opposing demands for the withdrawal of the armed struggle, he explained the experiences of Telangana armed struggle showed a new way for the Indian revolution.

Thus it represented the correct application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao’s Thought to the realities of Indian revolution. It must be said at this juncture that Comrade DV’s contribution to the Telangana struggle is much more than is generally realised.

Much of his multifarious contribution to the Telangana armed struggle has not seen the light of the day. Along with some documents written by him, the present Volume sheds some light on Com. DV’s role at crucial junctures. But the author has strictly confined to the history and wanted to take up his role as also of others in his memoirs which he could not write.

Here we will confine ourselves to state that Com DV’s contribution to the Talangana struggle embraced the ideological, political, organisational and military fields.

The period from 1951 to 1968 is one of the domination of  parliamentary path which is another name for renunciation of the revolutionary path. He never reconciled himself to the parliamentary path during this period. He fought against the revisionists and neo-revisionists and revived the revolutionary line again in 1968-69 through the Circular Lay foundations for a struggle-oriented mass movement, and the famous Immediate Programme of  Communist revolutionaries.

It took no time for Com DV to realise that building the party of communist revolutionaries means a relentless struggle not only against revisionism and neo-revisionism but also against the left and right opportunism prevalent among revolutionaries. In this prolonged struggle , Com. DV enriched revolutionary theory by applying Marxism-Leninism-Mao’s Thought correctly to Indian conditions. As a result of his persistent efforts the Indian revolutionary line which he founded and developed has come to stay. He along with com. T. Nagi Reddy founded the UCCRI(ML) in April 1975 to carry on efforts for unification of communist revolutionaries. He continued his ideological struggle against opportunist, careerist and disruptive forces as also the efforts to unify all genuine communist revolutionaries even after the death of com. TN in July 1976.

During the course of this struggle he summed up the experiences of Srikakulam and Naxalbari struggles along with elaborating the experiences of Telangana.

He paid utmost importance to the task of building up a communist revolutionary organisation and a mass revolutionary movement of a new type. The very fact that he did not slacken in the least his efforts in this direction even when working on this book speaks volumes for the same.

Com. DV held leading positions in the party. He was the Secretary of the Nalgonda district Communist Committee to start with and continued in this capacity even later in the united CPI. He represented the Nalgonda. District  in the State Committee. He was taken into the Secretariat of the  State Committee in March 1948. As the member of the Secretariat he was in charge of conducting the Telangana armed struggle. It was as a part of discharging these responsibilities that he wrote the document (1949) Refutation of wrong trends advocating withdrawal of the Telangana Armed Struggle. He was taken into the Central Committee which was formed after the resignation of BT Ranadive on the basis of the line represented by the Andhra Thesis.

Later he continued either as a member of the National Council or the Central Committee till he left the CPM in June 1968. He served as a Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) representing the Nalgonda double-member Constituency winning by a massive majority. In the 1969 convention of Andhra Communist Revolutionaries he was elected as the Secretary of Andhra Pradesh Revolutionary Communist Committee. He continued in this responsibility till April 1975 when he, along with Comrade T. Nagi Reddy, formed the UCCRI(ML). He was elected as the General Secretary of the CC of the UCCRI(ML) at the Unity Conference held for this purpose. He continued in this responsibility till he breathed his last.

Com. DV’s work as a Communist revolutionary spans nearly five decades. It is interesting to note that the first criminal case foisted against Com. DV was in connection with his role in the land struggle of the lambada peasantry of Mundrai village. It was the then Nizam Government which foisted this case. In fact it is the first tribute by the autocratic regime to the revolutionary who became the father of the theory and practice of agrarian revolution in the country. A considerable part of his revolutionary work was occupied by underground activities against the various autocratic governments. During the Telangana armed struggle he led nearly 7 years of underground life (1946-1952). After 1968 he led nearly 10 years of underground life (1969, 1975-1984). He was arrested under the Defence of India Rules in 1962 (November ’62 to July ’63) for opposing Government of India’s war of aggression against China, and in 1965 (December ’64 to May ’66) during India’s War against Pakistan. In 1969 he was arrested along with late Com. Tarimela Nagi Reddy and others and kept in detention from December ’69 to May ’72.

 A conspiracy case was foisted against them. This is known as the Hyderabad Conspiracy Case. The Conspiracy case was based on the Immediate Programme drafted by Com. DV. He was then released in May’72 along with Com. TN and others on conditional bail which they jumped in June’75 to resume underground activities when Internal Emergency was proclaimed in the country by Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s regime. Com. DV along with Com. TN and some others were sentenced to 4 years rigorous imprisonment in the Hyderabad Conspiracy case.

However Com. DV was leading an underground life all these years due to which the Government could not carry out the sentence. Thus Com DV spent nearly 17 years in underground activities and about 5 years in various jails in his life and work as a communist revolutionary. These facts are apparent examples which go to show his indomitable revolutionary spirit and the depth of his revolutionary convictions and practice.

It is generally well-known that Com. DV was a gifted and prolific writer. All his writings are inseparably connected with the problems of the revolutionary movement and were in fact necessitated by the burning problems facing the revolutionary movement.

 He could finish only a part of what all he was capable of writing and possessed the experience, study and understanding necessary for the same. He had drafted some articles, leaflets and documents prior to 1968 which were published then. Barring a few  exceptions, most of them have not seen the light of the  day, in recent times. They include some military documents which guided the armed struggle against Nehru’s armies in Telangana. These documents, though few, are a product of his experience, study and application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao’s Thought (Experiences of Chinese revolution) to Indian conditions. The post-1968 writings contain the exposition and elaboration of the Indian revolutionary line.

He was a regular contributor to the various journals run by the communist revolutionaries from time to time. In particular he played a decisive role in establishing The Proletarian Line and the Sanketam as the English and Telugu organs of Communist revolutionaries during the last part of his life. Thus he demonstrated in practice what communist revolutionary journalism should be like. He analysed the various national and international developments from the communist revolutionary standpoint and gave timely slogans to suit the fast-changing political situation. He devoted sufficient attention to the political developments in the State. His articles contained attacking and pungent criticism and thorough exposures of the various dubious policies and schemes of the ruling classes. Ideological and political criticism and exposure of right and left opportunism of various forms formed a regular part of his writings. He shunned empty phrase-mongering and verbal exercises in his writings. However he dispelled pessimism and inculcated revolutionary fervour and convictions with an unequalled force.

He was keenly interested in the problems facing the literary and cultural fronts. His writings connected with these problems show this. He had a plan to write on various topics connected with literature and culture, philosophy and history. However due to lack of time he could not carry out these plans.

The Fundamental Line he developed for the Indian revolution and elaborated, and the Indian interpretation he gave to the Marxism-Leninism-Mao’s Thought by applying it to the realities of our country,  are powerful and invincible weapons in the hands of the communist revolutionaries. With these weapons in their hands, the communist revolutionaries will march with determination towards their goal of achieving the victory of the people’s democratic revolution in the country.

With The History of the Talangana People’s Armed Struggle (1946-’51), Com. DV has placed the treasure-house of revolutionary experiences before the revolutionaries and people at large. Though the armed struggle in Telangana was waged from 1946 to 1951, the organised revolutionary movement had begun by 1940-1941 itself. The author has also dealt with, in detail, the organised activities from 1940-41 till the commencement of the armed struggle. We have no doubt the book will be a great help not only to understand the Telangana armed struggle, but also the problems facing Indian revolution.

We take this occasion to express our gratitude to the numerous comrades, sympathisers and well-wishers who have cooperated with us in various ways to see that this book sees the light of day.

2 line .Struggle against revisionism and wrong trends and Struggle for revolutionary mass line by Tarimela Nagi Reddy and D.V.Rao

The turning point IN Andhra Pradesh was the rejection of the C.P.M’s central committee ideological draft by a majority vote. The Communist Revolutionaries organized the ideological debate utilisng certain advantageous conditions. The State plenum adopted a detailed resolution with 158/231 supporting it.Comrade T.N and Chandra Pulla Reddy were the architects of the resolution.

The C.P.M leadership earlier evaded the ideological debate in 1964 at the same time there were various points of view reflected in the 1964 Calcutta Congress.In June 1966 they presented a note to the C.C but later discouraged this by allowing the state committees to publish only’the authoritative pronouncements of fraternal parties./’The 1967 documents of the C.P.M adopted neo-revisionist positions.

The C.R’s of A.P. organized themselves into a secret organization by March 1968.They organized similar committees below. Which conducted the anti neo-revisionst struggle,o organizationally consolidating the forces that rallied with the revolutionary politics and guiding the peoples movement with the aim of revolution.

However the internal struggle against neo revisionism at the all –India level lacked any co-ordination and centralized leadership. There were several different types of approaches.

On November 13th 1967,under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar the All India Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries of India was formed.

They professed

a.develop and co-ordinate militant struggles at all levels ,especially peasant struggles.of Naxalbari Type
b.develop militant struggles of the working class
c.wage ideological struggle against revisionism and popularize Mao Tes Tung Thought.d.To develop a revolutionary programme.ona correct tactical line.

On May 14th 1968 the A.I.C.C.R came out with a declaration claiming that all those revolutionaries still in the C.P.M must be disqualified from consideration, and all those who still think there is scope for inter-party struggle must be condemned. Interestingly the organ Liberation refuted this stating that avenues had to be allowed for differences and that it was premature to rule out such comrades

.Interestingly, although from the beginning ,the AI.C.C.R.leadership showed trends of left adventurism,the Andhra Comrades under the banner of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee met them and even joined them.This took place in November 1968.Earlier in June 1968 the CR’s of A.P formally broke away.comrade T.N was the convenor.In August of that year the A.I C.C R had formed a Naxalbari Solidarity Committee and wee carrying a slanderous campaign against the A.P.C.C.C.R.,propogating that the Andhra Comrades were revisionists.

In the final analysis 3 major differences came out.

a.the left adventurist A.I.C.C.R. line viewed the struggle against neo revisionism as a task of only organizing the top leaders or the most advanced elements of the C.P.M.The A.P.C.C.C.R felt thee was need of organizing the entire party ranks.
b.The A.I.C.C.C.R negated the mass line and exhibited romantic and petit bourgeois tendencies when they propogated armed struggle with no relation to the people’s consciousness.The concept of ‘annihilation of the class enemies’ was propogated.

The A.P.C.C.C.R stressed that a mass agrarian revolutionary Movement should be built up propagating the concept of agrarian revolution and relating it to the land question. They also stressed on implementing the mass revolutionary line of the Telengana Armed Struggle. It also questioned AI.C.C.C.R’s understanding of the area of Srikakulam becoming a liberated base area. Encircled by a well –knit transport and communication system thee was a long way to develop it into a liberated base area. Simultaneously they propagated that there were vast potential areas where armed struggle could be developed. and a strategic planning was required.

c. A.P.C.C.C.R propagated the need of building necessary forms of struggle and organization.and the need to combine mass form sof struggle with armed struggle.The A.I.C.C.C.R.totally neglected this aspect.

d. A.P.C.C.C.R opposed the line of ‘Boycott of parliamentary Elections’ as a strategic path.’ Elections was a question of tactics and one of the several llegal forms of struggle. In an Interview with Blitz Comrade T.N stated ‘Revolutionaries take part in the elections and legislative bodies to expose their fraudulent character and convince the masses of the revolutionary path.T.N told Swedish Journalists ‘We can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on’.

Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization. To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party’s machinery in a parliamentary way .

The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.T hat is the greatest difficulty.” If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, ven if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation’s work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.

After the break fro the C.P.M. the A.P.C.C.R sent cadre and leadership to the forest area of Andhra Pradesh in Khammam, Warangal, Karimnagar, and East Godavri districts. Although people were being organized in mass struggles on economic demands in Khammam, Warangal and Karimnagar areas,in other areas activity was still at the level of propoganda.In Eat Godavri area particularly god work was done. However ,overall,there was a long tortuous road ahead in developing a consistent and extensive agrarian revolutionary Movement.

The Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries stood in the forefront of combating left opportunism. These were the main differences between them and the Srikakulam District Committee(D.C.) which follwed Charu Mazumdar and the A.I.C.C.C.R.

a. The first one was over the question of carrying out armed struggle with relation to land.The district Committee believed that mass land struggle was not needed .
b. Secondly the D.C belived that actions of armed squads would mobilize the broad masses.
c .Thirdly,the D.C rejected the idea of of advanced training in guerilla war and proposed that in he course of battle all warfare would be learnt.
d.Fourthly the D.C believed that only armed struggle was necessary.
Comrade T.N in an interview explained 3 important points
a..That Armed Struggle starts only as resistance to landlord goondas and govt.repression This resistance will be in the form of peoples mass resistance. However the C.P.I.M.L rejected this and resorted to isolated squad actions.
b.In T.N’s view Peoples War starts only as a form of resistance ,not as an offensiveTHe C.P.I.M.L opposed this .
c. Comrade T.N advocated the use of various forms of struggle in accordance with the prevailing conditions.The C.P.I.M.L rejected this and only gave emphasis to armed struggle.

By 1969 an agrarian revolutionary movement had developed ina small pocket of Kondamodalu agency area of East Godavri District under the leadership of the A.P.C.C.R.T he vast masses of the Girijans were drawn with the perspective of the mass revolutionary line. Comrades made a systematic study of the condition’s of people’s life and the forms of exploitation and oppression Extensive political propaganda was carried out against the moneylenders,forest officials,forest contractors, landlords and officials. People were organized on the basis of partial issues. To land issues. People were organized into various organizations like the girijan Sangham, Mahila Sangham, youth Organisation Etc.

Earlier Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy had insisted on armed struggle for self-defence and disagreed with Comrades T.N and D.V.He felt that the enemy would not be quiet until the people consciously realize the need of adopting he form of armed struggle.’ Armed Struggle for self-defence can be started by armed squads only formed by the party cadre .He formulated that’The peasant masses could only come forward to seize thel and of the landlords after they gain the confidence in the military strength of the armed squads. Subsequently Chandra Pulla Reddy left the AP.Committee and formed his own group.the A.P.C.C.R.was now under the leadership of Comrade T.N and Comrade D.V.(Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao)

C.Immediate programme -Document adopted by APCCCR by T.Nagi Redy held from 1012 in April 1969

A document of great relevance to the agrarian revolution in light of 50 years of naxalbari.A must read for cadres which laid the guidelines for agrarian revolutionary movement.
Basic points of the general programme.

1.Formation of new democratic state. smashing the comprador and big bourgeoise.
2.Abolishing feudalism distributing all land to poor peasants and agricultural labour .
3.Confiscating all foreign capital of the comprador and bureaucrat bourgeoisie.
4.Increase of wages, and reduction of working hours for the working class with other facilities.
5.Middle class people should be given to guarantee of employment.
6.Mercenary army should be abolished and a revolutionary people's army should be built in it's place.
7.United front should be formed against world imperialism.
8..All nationalities of the country must have right to self -determination.

The land issue could be solved only by the distribution of the lands to the poor and landless pleasantry and the agricultural labour.While carrying on the propoganda ,for the occupation of the lands of the peasantry in the next year.

We should for the present concentrate only on the big landlords,the main enemies of the people.For the present we should keep the big landlords in view.that we should keep in view.When we should occupy the lands under self-cultivation.Keeping the question of whether all the lands under self-t cultivation should be distributed or not,pen for discussion,it is essential to distribute the land to the extent available.

When there is no preparedness among the poor peasantry and the agricultural labour,the distribution of lands under the self -cultivation would only be a self -propaganda slogan.Among the lands under the self -cultivation ,pastures of landlords,the lands that the landlords had grabbed from the peasantry and the agricultural labour illegally or with nominal compensation ot towards debts can be restored to the peoples belonging to the respective families in case if they still remain to be poor peasants or agricultural labour.But,owing to this there should not arise a situation where some would get the land and some would not.We should,in such a situation see that others would also get a portion of such land.Thus it should be possible for poor peasants and agricultural labour to get lands equally(inclusive of land they already have in their posession)

At present we are only concentrating on the big landlords.The question of ceiling would arise at the time of distributing the landlords land.We should recognize the land neded by the middle peasant who cultivates the land himself as the maximum ceiling limi.tAs the agrarian revolution advances,it would as well as become neccesary to distribute a portion of land from the small landlords also.Depending on the needs of the agrarian revolution we should decide where and how the distribution should be carried out.We should trace put the endowment lands under the occupation of big landlords and make preaparations for their distribution among the poor peasants and agricultural labour.

The common people are not in a position to make use of common banjar land as well as forest lands since a major part of these lands is under the occupation of the landlords The cultivable lands from among them should be distributed among poor peasants and agricultural labour The rest of the lands should be taken over by the people.

The poor peasants and agricultural labour would need cattle and the implements for the cultivation of the lands thus redistributed.At the time of land distribution itself ,the cattle and implements of the landlords should also be distributed.At the time of land distribution ,itself the cattle and implements of the landlords should also be distributed among such of those that are in need of them.
Money-lending should also be abolished in every form it exists.

But it is only the big landlords,moneylenders,and the rich peasants who carry on exploitation in this way,that we should concentrate.The common people would loose the credit facilities if we were also to concentrate on petty individual money lenders.It would be neccesary to promote credit facilities to a certain limited extent until such a time the liberated base areas are established and the credit facilities are arranged for the people.

Besides,thus the forced labour,tips,the peasants tilling the land with their own cattle and such other feudal exploitation should be abolished in whatever form they exist.We should mobilise the people without leaving any other problem beacuse of which the rural people are facing difficulties owing to the domination of the landlords.The conditions of people in some villages would be better than other villages owing to the work of the party over a number of years.But it would be wrong however not to mobilze the people into struggles on the presumption that the condition s of the people in all the villages are also better.The problem of toddy tappers is serious in the Telengana region The degree of exploitation of government contractors is very high.Against this exploitation,we should organize and lead them into struggles on the slogan of 'trees to the tappers.'We should carry on the propaganda among them that their problems would be solved only with the establishment of new democratic government and for that the path of armed struggle should be taken up.

Similarly,the agricultural labour and the poor and middle peasants in all the regions are suffering for want of house sites.We should adress this problem which would be applicable to all sites of Andhra Pradesh.


In these regions is not the enemy only weak,but also these areas are favourable for the peoples guerilla squads to carry on resistance against the armed forces of the enemy for a long period of time nad t establish guerilla base areas.The landlords,the moneylenders and the forest officials are exploiting the ordinary people and the girijans inhabiting the forest and mountain regions,in ever so many ways.In these regin sthe masses have become concsious and are revolting aginst the govt.and exploiting classes.Srikakulam Girijan Struggle is a prelude to thisEspecially in the forest areas of Warangal.Khammam and Karimnagar the land with the irrigatin facilities as well as the major portionof the fertile cultivable land is in the hands of the landlords For the purpose of grassing usually hundreds and thousands of cattle belonging to the landlords are left off in the forest itself.They earn lakhs of rupees in the buisness of cattle.Besides ,trhe distribution of the bajnjar lands under the occupation of the govt as well as landlords ,among the por peasnts and agricultural labour ,we should in these areas carry on a struggle for the fertile dry lands as well as the irrigated lands under the 'self-cultivation'[ of te landlords and distribute them.The cattle,available in thosands should be distributed.
For this we should make preparation sfor now on ploughing which should start with commencement of monsoon.
Struggles should be intensified on the cooolies rates .By end of April, ahigher stage will be reached.Good work has been done in mobilising girijans in the agency area of East Godavri district.
The fertile lands and fruit gardens that were grabbed from the girijan sby the landlords should be seized back.We should prepare the peole for that task.
We should study the problem sof the plantations where the govt.has garbbed land from the girijans and arising coffee and big plantations.We should study the extent these gardensneed to be distributed to solve the land problem of the peasntry.
All corporations set up for the purpose of purchasing forest produce are nothing but means of exploitation and amean sof fleecing wealth.They should thus be abolished.
We should be vigilant staging discrimination of girijans.
Plain areas
Food problem is serious here.Vast aresa of banjar land available for distribution.Thee are opportunities in these areas to organize and mobilise the people on ever so many problems such as land,cooly rates,food problem,against the domination of landlords and so on.
In termsof armed resistance this area is less favourable but they cannot be neglected.They include areas adjacent to forest area and the Telenga a area.where the armed struggle was carried ot in the past.It is very essntial to develop revolutionary movement in these areas in order to send cadres and other help needed in forest areas.

Wet Lands

In view of the social conditions and geographical factors ,there are no possibilities for immediate development of guerrilla resistance here in these areas.Yet from these ares,cadres –funds and other help should be sent to the areas of resistanceCeaseless class struggle aginst the exploitation of the peopleshould be carried on in these areas.These areas should be lib erated gradually.Here we should generally struggle on the question of agricultural labourers and the tenant farmers.We should launch struggles for the abolition of govt.forming societies and for the distribution of lands under their control among the poor peasants and agricultural labour.There is every possibility of starting and developing struggles on land issue in some distyricts.

Political Propoganda
We should propagate while implementing the above programme,that the people are waging the struggles for their liberation,that the liberation could only be achieved by armed struggle  and that the peole should seize the power in their own hands.We should make them see the necessity of waging a peoles war.We should carry on comprehensive propaganda about the revolutionary struggle going on in different parts of the country.We should extensively propogate the politic sof armed struggle much more than what is propogated now.

Boycott Panchayat elections

Panchyat elections are due in May and we have resolved to boycott them.

We should from now on make the people realise as to how Panchayat system and the election system is proving useful for the ruling class as a cover to safeguard their power.We should convince the people that they should not participate in the election and thus make them boycott.For this we should strictly depend on the consciousness and the organized strength of the people.We should make it clear to the people that it is not merly boycotting the election;thta there is path of peoples war for them to follow,,that it means establishing the village Soviets and the peole’s committees,that it i sunder their leadership thta we should implement the agrarian revolutionary programme and that they are the foundation sfor the Mew Democrtaic revolutionary state.
We should,in all the villages of the forest area where we arte working,mobilise the people top boycott the elections.The adults of the vilag should assemblew and form peoples comitees.In plains areas the district committees should adopt steps to boycott the election sin the villages which are strong.Boycott by the revolutionaries alone does not maen the boycott the elections.The peole’s committees elected by all the people should emerge.acting as alternate comitees to the Panchayat boards.

Against the feudal system  and the elections,the village soviets and the people’s commites  would be the United front committees  to launch nad successful conclude the agrarian revolution.
The committees should have a clear cut class political outlook.

Volunteer squads

Volunteer squads should be launched on large scale in the forests They should undertake task of self-defence .All the youth of the villages should be members of small squads.They should be organized not only in the villages where the village soviets exist but also in the villages where peoples committees exist.Every squad should have a commander and an assistant commanderwho should be elected.the squad  should assist the village soviets and peoles committees in the implementation of the decisions.Only where there is a volunteer squads could the activities of the people ‘s commitees be carried on more effectively.


Local squads should be established to resist government armed police attacks.Depending upon defence needs ,these squads could consist of 7 members.They would be armed with bows and arrows,spaers and axes.

We mobilise the masses of people for agrarian revolutionary programme.We should recruit the masses in peasnt organization.We should alos hold meetings for women nad organize them.Women’s organization should be formed and they should be recruited in volunteer,local and regular squads.


We should in the next month intensify our activities both in the forest and in the palin areas.We should get prepared for ofenisve actions aginst the landlord clas.It is at the higher stages of these mass activities that we should implement the agrarian revolutionary programme.

We should quickly bring the Vishkapatnam Agency areas which is adjacent to East Godavri in the movement.We should cover the areas and centers left in Khmmam and Warangal districts.We should intensify our activities in Adilabad districtSteps are being initiated to begin mass activities in Mahbubanagar district.


We need to work more in the cities as the armed struggle needs the support and solidarity of the urban working class.The help of the transport as well as the workers of various other branches of industry would be needed for the transportation of material and other technical assistance..We should plan work in cities to support the peoples war.


Armed struggle is going on in Srikakulam.We should take lessons from the experience of the Srikakulamk movement and carefully study the experiences of comrades.We are releasing a sepetae document on how this movement was developed and waht are the problems that arose in the course of the movement.


We are unable to centralise our activities due to the absence of dioscipline and coordination.Thus revolutionary character is lost.We should build a well organized and disciplined organization and carefully select party members.
Area comitees have been formed and are functioning in the jangam,Mulugu,and Khammam areas of Warangalk and Khammam districts.We should further consolidate and develop them so that they would be capable of leading armede struggle.
Cadres should be chosen who accept the path of peoples war and the day to day activities of the cadre should be assed.Membership should not be givenj to those,whose class work is defective who exhibit timidness ,who are selfish nad have anarchic habits.
We should se that party members would emerge as members of the vilahge soviets and peoples committees as well as the leaders of regular squads.


With the first drizzle,begin the land distribution programme-the main item of the agrarian revolutionary programme.By co-ordinating the guerrilla warfare with this,a strong and broad mass bnase would be secured for the struggle.The monsoon is favourable period for resistance.During this period the land distribution and the functioning of the village Soviets on one side and the resistance on the other by the implementation of allthem silmuntaneously the revolutionary movement would be strengthened. And it would be in apposition to face the enemy counter-offensive.
As part of these preparations ,a militant mass mobilisation aginst the landlords becomes neccesray at the end of the summer season.

c. Comrade T.N advocated the use of various forms of struggle in accordance with the prevailing conditions.The C.P.I.M.L rejected this and only gave emphasis to armed struggle.
By 1969 an agrarian revolutionary movement had developed ina small pocket of Kondamodalu agency area of East Godavri District under the leadership of the A.P.C.C.R.T he vast masses of the Girijans were drawn with the perspective of the mass revolutionary line. Comrades made a systematic study of the condition’s of people’s life and the forms of exploitation and oppression Extensive political propaganda was carried out against the moneylenders,forest officials,forest contractors,landlords and officials. People were organized on the basis of partial issues. To land issues. People were organized into various organizations like the girijan Sangham, Mahila Sangham, youth Organisation Etc. Earlier Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy had insisted on armed struggle for self-defence and disagreed with Comrades T.N and D.V.He felt that the enemy would not be quiet until the people consciously realize the need of adopting he form of armed struggle.’ Armed Struggle for self-defence can be started by armed squads only formed by the party cadre .He formulated that’The peasant masses could only come forward to seize thel and of the landlords after they gain the confidence in the military strength of the armed squads. Subsequently Chandra Pulla Reddy left the AP.Committee and formed his own group.the A.P.C.C.R.was now under the leadership of Comrade T.N and Comrade D.V.(Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao)
D..Some Problems connected with the Srikakulam Girijan movement

In this work please nore that DC refers to district commitee while SC refers to State Commitee.I have posted this to elaboratae how consistent the APCCCCR was in practice of mass line and armed struggle.
In the girijan areas of Srikakulam district,Girijan armed struggle began in the last week of November and is continuing under the leadership of the communist revolutionaries.

The Srikakulam district committee persistently propagates that the State co-ordination Commitee leadership opposed armed struggle and they established direct contacts with the All –India Co Ordination Commitee for this reason.It is needless to say that this propaganda is fully ill-motivated.We are placing this report before comrades to explain the situation that prevailed till starting the armed struggle and attitudes taken by the state and district committee.

The exploitation of the girijan swa sin the following form

2.Occupation of the Girijan Lands.
3.Exploiting the agricultural labourers
4.Purchase forest produce
5.Exploitation by forest officers

From 1959 the Communists built a broad based Girijan Sangham  and conducte several struggles on 10 demands.
1.Distribute banjar lands to girijans immediately.
2.Lands seized illegally from Girijan should be returned
3.All debts should be abolished and credit should be provided.

4.Agricultural implements and cattle should be supplied to girijans  to carry on agricultural operations.
5.Forest produce should be purchased from Girijans at reasonable rates.Consumer goods should be supplied at fair prices.

6.All those who extract free labour from girijans should be punished.

7.Salaries and wage rates should be fixed.

8.No restriction should be imposed on use of timber.

9.educational and cultural programmes should be organized on  alarge scale.

10.Girijan ares should be declared as autonomous regions.

Girijans gained
1.From 1959 itself re-ocupied lands and till 1967 about 70 acres of land were occupied.

2.Upto 1967,about 1500 acres of forest lands were occupied and cultivated by girijans.

3.Upto 1967 they refused to clear debts to the tune of about rs 2 lakhs.
4.They got free timber for agricultural use.
5.They sold their forest produce at weekl market rates and got reasonable rtaes from merchants.

6.Fre labour was abolished.

Nominal rtaes of palelru oncreased from 6 bags per anum to 14-15 bagsDaily wage artes alos increased 12 times
7.Forest timber has been takern freely for house construction.

9.The implementation of this programme brought a big mass upsurge.
The girijans would get their autonomous region only when New Democratic Revolution begins.

During 1967 and after
please note that DC means district Commitee while SCmean sstate commitee.

By the beginning of the 1967 rainy season,Girijan movement reached a new stage.Girijan soccupied 800 more actress in the possession of landlords,and began cultivation.2500 acres of waste land was also cultivated.Because there was acute food shortage,the people prevented the landlords and sahukarsfrom exporting their grain to the outside area with a view to realise high rtaes.They saw that sufficient grains were stocked in girijan areas.Even the rates were decreased and merchants were made to sell rice at 2 seers per rupee.
In this manner,land  distribution nad grain distribution  were implemented which created  amass upsurge.
On 31st October 1967,the landlords and their goondas waylaid some delegates who were goingf to the taluk girijan conference and beat them brutally.When people came in support of beaten delegates ,the landlords opened fire amd murdered 2 girijna activists-Mangana and Koranna.This took place in a village named Levidi.

The firing was a pointer that the struggle had reached a higher stage.In retaliation the girijans held several meetingsto pay homage to martyrs.Big rallies wee staged on a large scale.Alongwith the crops cultivated by girijans in their own lands,they alos took possession of the crops to be  harvested  in the land still remaining with the landlords.They brought such hravetsed crops to their own houses.Girijan srefused to pay and cancelled debts payable to landlords and sahukars.The cancelled debts came to about 3 lakhs.They took posessio of the catle and goats belonmging to the landlords and distributed them among themselves.

It became common for the mases to carry their big axes ,bows and arrows and country-made guns wherever they went for demonstrations.

Liberation wrote,”Even after the landlords deliberately killed 2 activists of the Girijan Sangham in October 1967 when the anger of the mases aginst the class enemy was at it’s height ,the masses were not allowed to proceed aginst their enemies.

The meaning of this is clear:when the people were advancing,the leadership pulled them back.But this is not true.There is not even one incident when the leadership –either local or at a higher level dragged the people back wnen they were advancing.Comrades provided leadership to every action of the people.People occupied landlords lands.They took possession of their crops.They demonstrated with firearms.On 4th March,1968 people used firearms..When such are the realities it is only a baseless charge that the leadership did not also want the masses to advance.

From February 20th police activities began with the establishment of specila armed camps.They gave a wraning on 24th to surrender arms.The DC met on 24-2-68.It took note of the upcoming police raidsIt decided that arms,especially firearms should not be surrendered,people should prevent any arrests and if arrested people should rescue the arrested persons.On 3rd March,police began large scale raids in Sethampet arresting most ofg the villagers,raped women ,looted houses and carried away foul.On 4th the police raided Pedakarja.

Even in the conditions when there was large scale armed police raids and serious repression we could have put up some more resistance if we were prepared organizationally.As we were not preparted when the police raids began the people moved helter skelter and there was no self-defence and protection of immovable properties.

The state coordination committee was formed from March 9th to 11th 1968.The question of organizing peole’s resistance did not come before the meetingas an important one.But the issues such as supply of slat,foodgrains,clothes and agricultural implements cmae before that meeting as an important one.On the advice of the state committee representatives the DC Decided to make arrangements for their supply of the above articles ,to re-establish contacts by the cdare with the mases ,to safeguard remaining arms and to make arrngemements for giving guerill atraining  for cadres.

We discussed problem sconnected with guerrilla struggle.It was decided that we should organize squads ,give training and be ready to begin struggles for seizing of landlords land and our armed squads could resist the repressive SAP and the goondas.This wya we could co-ordintae the land problem of the agrarian revolution with guerrilla struggleOur understanding was that in such a situation we could undertake protracted armed guerrilla struggle.So,the issue whether guerrilla struggle is to be carried out or not was not an issue between the state co-ordination committee and the district committee.

During the discussion 2 issues came forward.One was whether minimum military training was required to begin guerrilla struggle and the people should be moved to the required extent to participate in the guerrilla struggle.The other guerrilla struggle could be started even when masses are not on the move.We came to the conclusion that minimum miltray training was necessary to begin guerrilla struggle and the people should be moved to a required extent to participate in the guerrilla struggle.After the discussion we came to the conclusion that peole would move only after the guerrilla struggle started.

The district committee propogated that the state committee did not give the training locally ,but took them to distant places.This propaganda is false.But the DC leaders themselves came to the conclusion that it was not possible because of the concentration of the enemy in the area.With no other alternative,they had to be taken to distant places.In the same DC meting,it was decided that even the combined Seethampet and Paravathipuram agency ares are very limited.This area is surrounded by roads.When severe raids take place ,it would be impossible for all the squads to remain in the region.So we have to extend the movement to the other agency areas.

As per these decions leading comrades agin went amidst masses,maintained contacs with them nad begam work among them.They went to some girijan areas and worked for the extension of the movement.But the decision regarding guerrilla training was not implemented immediately.The DC could not make necessary arrangements on it’s behalf.

Burdwan plenum was held at the beginning of April.In Andhra the Communist revolutionaries revolted aginst the CPM in the 2nd week of June and came out of it.In the meting some DC comrades were critical of the state leadership for not coming out of the party immediately after the Burdwan plenum and for deferring it til June.There was an opinion that comrades hould have resigned and come out individualy instead of the leadership giving a call for revolt.Another opinion was that all this was ‘all old wine in new bottles.’

Comrdaes gave reports about the situation of the masses in girijnaareas.They explained that peole had yet not overcome their frustration,there was not yet any possibility top move them on the issues of tiling the landlords land and the police wee alosmaking raids wherever we moved.

The DC decided:While completing the arrangements for guerrilla training for all those involved ,we musrt prepare the local-militants-men and women.-to use hand bombs,bows and arrows,spears and other country weapons and to give direction to Girijans to use them in resistance and self-defence during SAP and goonda raids,lot and violence.It made it clear that some move in the masses was necessary to begin guerrilla struggle nad it was necessary to wait till the masses move on issues like land,crops,etc.It was decided that armed resiatnace must be put up while at the smae time preparing for higher form sof guerrilla struggle.

As per these decisions ,a batch of important activists were given guerilal training.To complete the training for the 2nd batch,there was some delay due to unavoidable reasons.Some material was collected for local armed resistance.But arrangements for resistance were not made.When the realities are such,the propaganda carried on by the DC that the state committee was aginst armed resistance,is nothing but false.The SC gave a programme for immediate resistance and on the other hand made preparations for immediate starting of protracted guerrilla war.

Quoting journal Liberation:”On the whole,the movement did not proceed beyond it’s democratic nature.”

This is incorrect.To seize the lands from the landlords and cultivate them,large scale armed demonstrations,using arms in one or two cases of resistance-all,these describe the revolutionary nature of movement and not just a democratic nature.

Liberation also wrote”In the face of attacks of the landlords and the police the neo-revisionists had alwys suggested that our poicy should be one of exposinbg the ruling classes and extending the ares of struggle.Before and even after the large scale military type operations,the attitude was not basically changed.Confusion nad vaccilation,atleast for a temporayt period.”

Everybody knows that the neo-revisionists pointed out to the non –extension of the movement as a pretext to postpone the armed struggle.However it is baseless to accuse the State Commitee of having tread the same path.Only in May the state comitee began to deal with te DC directly .By then the raids were over.From that day it was making preparation sfor armed struggle.

DC resolution on On Armed Struggle

‘”Police have again begun raids.After the SAP was withdrawn inJune,these raids began from the 2nd wek of August.In the interval our cadre went to the masses and explained the situation.They exposed the deceoful promises of the govt.People were enthused.The Police raids began at a time when our cadre went to the peole to explain and the atmosphere was enthusiastic.Landlords,goondas,with the aid of those who have surrendered to the policve are carrying on these raids.In this situation the people are expressing their readiness to resist those raids.But they feel this time the resistancve should be an armed one.In the context of firts raids we retreated.At that time we told the people and cadre that we were preparing for higher form of struggle and would soon resist.Similar raids have begun.But we are unable to begin resistance as promised earlier.With this the peole and cadre are loisng confidence on us.If we delay further there is danger of isolation from the people.The acdre are very demoralized.So our DC requests for the decision to start armed struggle immediately.For the present we can use hand-bombs,country made guns and bows and arrows.We canuse hand bombs during police raids and give them to militants.The squad should assist the people.”

For the presnt we have formed one squad with 8 persons from 3 propganda squads.Apart from this there are 86 militants.Squads could be formed from them.

2nd resolution of DC ON JOINING AICCR.

“In our country Naxalabar comrades stood in the forefront and carried on the inner party ideological struggle.They exposed betrayal of the neo-revisionists before the peole.They first raised the flag of rtevolt,applied Mao’s thought and blazed the way for all the revolutionaries..Adressing the comrades who are stil with the neo-revisionists they stated inDEcember”WE call upon you to repudiate openly the neo-revisionist leading clique and poitics nad openly join hands with us who are styriving to build a genuine Communist party in our country.

“Again in May,revolutionaries from different states met and formed themselves in to the All-Indioa Coordination Comitee of Communist Revolutionaries and requested the comrades stil with te neo-revisionist clique to join the A.I.C.C.R.They made it clear that all revolutionaries should realise that the existence of sepertae groups is harmful in the Indian revolutionary movement.As a result of these 2 public cals,may Andhra Pradesh Coordination Commitee join them.

The DC approves the calls given by the AICCR during December-May and agrees to join the A.I.C.C.R.

It is not correct to say that all the revolutionaries in all states had joined the AICCR by the time the DC passed this resolution.In Bengal itself 5 groups were Kerala,Kosalram and Gopalan’s group were outside.In Tamil Nadu one group was outside and in Kashmir there were no contacts.
In the resolution the DC did not mention anywhere tat theyt wanted to join AICCR because the Andhra committee opposed armed struggle.

They expressed regret for the Andhra SC  joining the AICCR and only stated that they were joining the AICCR after approving the call of the APCRR.Similarly they concealed the resolution made in favour of armed resistance .This DC passed the resolution asking for permission to start the armed struggle.Joining the AICR directly and asking for permission of armed struggle ae mutually contradictory.Yet it asked for permission from te state comitee which decided accordingly.Then when did we oppose the armed struggle?.The DC.through their decision made ot clear about their action to join the AICCCR.This was confirmed by Liberation.
Quoting Liberation”Very recently they have joined the AICCR and thus they have now access to the richj experience of revolutionaries throughout India.

TheDC’S decision and the subsequent endorsement by the AICCCR make it very clear that the DC rejected the leadership of the state committee in September,1968.,long before starting the armed struggle.The AICCR has also approved of it.Establishing direct links with the leadership of Venkatarathnam group who worked aginst the state committee ,was only part of their activities.
On behalf of the state coordination committee ,we pointed out to the District comitee meeting held in November at a time when we are to prepare the people to carry on immediate armed struggle in different parts of the state,it would be useful if the Srikakulam district unit,which wa sin the struggle area,worked with the state coordination comitee on the basis of democratic centralism and it would be good to observe the highest form of discipline through democratic centralism to carry on the highest form of striglei.e.armed struggle.But the DC did not accept this suggestion.They made it clear that they would work with the state only on the basis of coordination,they would implement only such decisions which are acceptable for them and in respect of others they would act according to their independent decisions.

After this meeting they rallied people belonging to Venkat rathnam group in Jrishna and Guntuir distraicrs and took them to Srikakulam.There leaders made it a point to slandfer the state leadership .

In December 2 state committee secretariat members discussed with te Srikakulam committee about tactics and measures to be adopted after armed struggle started and gave suggestions.These were accepted by them.Along with this,they made iot clear to the DC secretary that having direct relations with other districts and recruiting people who worked aginst the state comitee cannot be called coordination.Yet these DC comrades moved in the direction of establishing a rival centre.


Armed struggle-land question

Some comrades not only in the DC but alos outside are of the following opinion:The struggle we are conducting now is liberation struggle .This has no immediate relation to the land problem and the sytem of explotation of the landlotrds.This would remain as a problem that must be resolved after liberation  was achieved.Build peoples army,liberate the rural areas and liberate the cities .For this we have to establish base areas.

Today all the peasant armed struggles bursting ouit in various region sof ouirt country are liberation struggles.i.e.struggles for seizure of power.Even the struggles,which have yet not reached the stage of armed struggle ,they would alos develop into armed struggles and liberation struggle.At this time,when in the country there is a revolutionary situation,al the peasnt struggles have this character.But in starting,developing,consolidating and extension of all these struggles wil have to be based on an agrarian revolutionary programme only.

The experience of the Srikakulam district proves the peasnt liberationmean sliberation from the landlord –imperilaist system.From 1959 a borad based movement was built .With the occupation of lands in the possession of landlords,seizure of crops,cancellation of debts,the movement reached a higher stage and condition sare created for armed struggle.

It would be wrong to confine the armed struggle to land problemor problems connected with feudal exploitation only.Armed struggle should be carried on with the aim of seizing power.

Guerilla struggle is peoples armed struggle.Without the participation of people,no guerrilla struggle would succeed.

When agrarian revolution begins ,the govt.would send armed forces to suppress it and brutal repression would be unleashed on the masses.This may create a temporary lull diluting the mass upsurge.Could guerrilla struggle sustain guring such lull periods or not?Some comrades support it.

Accordingly ,in our experience,such a lull would only be temporary.In this period rtevolutionaries should revive their links with the masses ,carry on political propaganda,move them as far as possible on mass issues  and prepare for times ahead.However mas upsurge would not be as extensive as it was before reptression.However now the people’s enthusiasm  to combat the enemy would be greater with their hatred sharpening aginst the enemy.

This is an advantage for te guerrilla struggle.
During lull period we should resist enemy raids  and prepare masses and militants for further guerrilla struggle.Through such organized resistance masses and militants would learn the first lessons of guerrilla warfare.Form sof resistnace should be decided in accordance with level of consciousness.
We must recognize the trend which says that during a lull period ,it is not possible for masses and militants to resist with whatever local arms is wrong. of the above programme.The ruling classes are frightened out of their wits.Thus they are resorting to ruthlessrepression.At this juncture any complacency on our part would be unpardonable.

Guerilaa struggle training

Minumum training is a must.Guerilla slearn guerill atactics in the course of guerrilla struggles only.Yet,when these exploiting classes banned the use of fire arms –let alone give military training for the mases it is necessary to initiate minimum military training.


Armed struggle is going on in Srikakulam.We are trying to develop armed struggle in other parts of the state.It is necessary to cary these struggles under one command.Then it is only possible to develop the armed struggle according to one plan.;l
In guerrilla struggles,the leadership would not be completely centralised.Similarly there would not be complete decentralisation.As far as strategy is concerned,there would be a centralised leadership.In relationship to wars and battles there should be decentralisation.
Complete centralistaionis wrong in military wars.Complete de-centralisation is alos wrong.Inthis way the enemy forces would not be effectively repelled.;


A united front has to be established for the overthrow of imperialism,comprador bourgeous and feudalis,under the leadership of the working class,with worker-peasnt alliance as basos and rallying middle class  and national bourgeoisie in it.Our revolutionary path will be the Peoples War.This is Peoples Democratic Revolution.

The question arises before us :Is it absolutely necessary to continue this anti-feudal struggle in all places,on all occasion sfor a number of yeras,before we could reach the stage of armed struggle?To this our reply is :It is not necessary.Today the presence of a revolutionary situation ,the influence of armed struggle that begins in various regions,a revolutionary leadership owing allegiance to Mao’s thought,leading the peasants with an orientation of seizing power all these create possibilities for struggles in which,without the necessity to continue  along drawn struggle and within a short time the struggle to reach the stage of armed struggle..

How are we to combine armed struggle where there is no feudal exploitation, where it is not so intensive or where it is absolutely non –existent?In those places there would be other form sof exploitation which depend on govt.officers ,imperialists or others.

Here we have explained the developments that came about in the course of revolutionary movement of the Girijan areas of Srikakulam district.After this explanation ,it would be completely baseless and slanderous if anyone says that stae coordination committee  was against the armed struggle or tried to weaken it.The State Commitee was never against armed struggle whether in the form of armed resistance or guerrilla struggle.Also in June 1968 itself,it gave the Srikakulam comitee a clear programme for armed resiatnce or regular guerrilla struggle.It began necessary preparation sfor guerrilla struggle.

The 6 differences that arose were
1.DC denies ned for general armed resistance which is the starting stage of guerrilla struggle.2.The DC feels there is no need for minumaum training
3.Dc feels there is no need for mass participation.SC feels that guerrilla struggle must begin with mass participation.
4.Armed struggle could be implemented without any relations to issues like land in the agrarian revolution.State Commitee fels there is inseperable relationship betwen agrarian revolution and armed struggle.

5.SC belives in United Front concept which DC rejects.
6.SC feels,there should be unity between DC and SC based on principle of democratic centralism:and the armed struggle could be carried on under centralised leadership.Path taken by DC is to create a rival centre and disunity among revolutionaries.
We have not received any authentic details about the armed raids carried on the beginning of the armed struggled.Howevere there is new sthat the mases are generally participating in them.They may argue that it is the result of  starting  armed struggle.This is not correct.There was an indication of this development even in August and September 68.Then we had not started armed struggle.

There is a good future for the Srikakulam armed struggle.If the district leadership adopts correct tactics with correct perspective  and carries on the armed struggle,it would repeal the armed attacks of the ruling classes and would be able to advance.


Below are some important points compiled from the 1970 document of the Andhra Pradesh Co-oordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries(A.P.C.C.C.R.)

1.The Peoples revolutionary armed struggle is not itself the guerilla warfare.

:Even if armed struggle is the main form of struggle in the country.In the vast areas, where due to uneven development of the revolutionary movement ,the revolutionary movement has not yet taken the form of armed struggle ,other forms of struggle should be adopted and they should be co-ordinated with armed struggle. The armed struggle that the people carry on against the ruling classes is by itself an offensive struggle.Yet,when compared to the armed forces of the ruling classes ,the numbers,arms as well as skill of the people’s guerilla forces would not only be inferior but would continue to remain so for a long time. In this period we have to advance the revolution defending our guerilla areas and raise the slogan of self-defense for the revolutionaries. Without the slogan of self defense the broad masses would never be mobilized to overthrow the ruling classes.
2.Armed Struggle:The main form of Struggle

The C.P.I.(M.L.) failed to launch a mass movement or understand it’s importance.
Wherever the poeasnt struggle has not reached the stage of armed struggle,the peasnt struggle should be carried on there adopting the form of armed struggle.
Wherever the revolutionary peasant movement has reached the stage of armed struggle, the peasant struggle should be carrie3d on there adopting the form of armed struggle.
Appropriate form sof mass struggles have to be combined with the armed struggles.

3.Importance of slogan of defence.

The peoples armed struggle would begin with the defense of the revolutionary movement, the revolutionary gains,the revolutionary organization etc,from the attack s of the armed forces of the ruling classes. But in the primary stage, the strength and skill of the armed forces of the ruling classes would be many times greater than that of the armed forces organized by the people.The form of armed struggle adopted by the people at this stage is the guerilla warfare.As the people’s armed forces grow in number,and the strength of arms and skill at a certain stage become favourable to the revolutionary masses,armed struggle would reach a higher stateg.Then the armed struggle would take the form of mobile warfare and later the form of positional warfare.

4..Co-ordination between struggle areas and other areas

Our cadre is working in the areas of armed struggle as well as other areas.The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)which is not adopting any other form of struggle excepting the armed struggle does not have an understanding of the tasks that should be carried in these areas. In these areas ,our cadre should carry on extensive propoganada among the masses of peole of our programme,the betrayal of the revisionists and the necessity to prepare for armed struggle.Masses should be mobilized into struggles on political and economic demands wherever,whenever and on whatever issue there is preparedness among themThrough these struggles,they should mobilize the masses to take up the form of armed struggle.

Today our cities are the centres of Imperialism, big bourgeoisie and rich classes.It is in these cities that the government machinery as well as the armed forces of the ruling classes are concentrated
However the working class,students and middle class are concentrated in the cities.These classes would march in the fore-front of anti-imperialist struggles.

The leadership of the C.P.I(M.L) has no programme whatsoever for fulfilling this task.They direct studenst and youth to go to the villages and integrate themselves with the peasantry.This leadership have performed anarchist actions like throwing bomb son schools colleges and primary health c entres etc.Such actions would not be useful to mobilize the discontented masses into the revolutionary mass struggle.They would not be a support to the rural peasnt struggle

Militatnt workers and students should be sent to the areas of armed struggle.

Although there is a revolutionary situation in India,the guerilla warfare takes a tortuous path of development owing to the uneven development of the revolutionary movement,the disunity among the revolutionary ranks and the ability of the ruling classes to concentrate large numbers of their armed forces against the gueriilla warfare.Only when we have a correct and realistic assessment ,woulkd we be in apposition tp prepare ourselvesand overcome these difficulties.

If we have to fulfil the main tasks which should be fulfilled in order to succesfuly carry on armed struggle for achieving the people’s democratic Revolution,we should base ourselves on this kind of base areas.Base areas cannot be established by conducting sporadic raids hee and there.Mao called this tendency”roving rebels.”Mao said the guerilla forces would begin to build the base areas only when a struggle is carried on against this tendency and is rooted out from among the guerilla forces.
In the beginning,these armed forces would only be in the form of guerilla squadsAs the struggle gets intensified ,the guerilla squads grow increasing in the number.We should gradually buil;d the regular army.Thus we would be in a position to establish base area only when we could build th armed force s capable of defeating the army in the area.This task cannot be fulfilled by forming a few squads with afew people drawn from the petty-bourgeoisie,the poor and landless peasant classes.

The second condition is that the peoples armed forces ,should with the support of the masses ,be capable of defeating the enemy.

This means defeating the enemy’s armed forces but not annihilationof class enemiesThis would become possible only when the majorty of the enemy’s armed forces attacki ng the guerilla forces are annhilated.

The third condition is the rousing of masses into the struggle.The mass organizations should be built in the course of the struggle.In our country, where a regular army is not present ,the revolutionaries should build the base areas by building the guerilla armies through peoples struggles,in that mainly the peasnt struggles by building the revolutionary mass organizations ,by rousing the masses through revolutionary programme and by defeating the enemy’s armed forces.

5.The Importance of terrain:

The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) concluded that there was no need for a favourable terrain,mass movement,mass organization .etc. Our task would not be over merely with launching the guerilla warfare.It should be able to sustain and develop over a long period of time and be useful to build the base areas which is our strategic aim.WE have to select the areas which are politicallu,economically and socialy weak.Hillsmforests and plains without roads arte such areas.

6.Need of the mass Movement:

There is hardly any emphasis on the mass movementThea nihilation of class enemies is the only aim..Masse shave to be mobilized into revolutionary strugglesto make them realize the need for armed struggles.The revolutionary Girijan movement was already prevalent in Srikakulam before the armed struggle was launched.

7. Agrarian revolutionary progamme:Without building of agrarian revolutionary programme a revolutionary peasant movement is not possible.The feudal system will be abolished only after the establishment of the peoples democratic government.Distribtion of landlords land is the main iem of the agrarian revolutionary programme.Thus the question of land as a revolutionary demand would have oimmense importance in the agrarian revolution.Only by implementing the agrarian revolutionary programme would we be able to mobilize peasnt masses into armed struggle.

8.Party organization;revolutionary mass movement :

The C.P.I.(M.L.) makes no use of legal opportunities.A pary has to be kept secret but open struggles have to be carried out.Class enemies hould be tried in peoples courts with arevolutionary mass movement and not simply annihilated by armed squads.Thee is a defect in the technique where they remain as mere groups acrryiong out limited propaganda.

9.The Revolutionary peasnt movement is the foundation for the revolutionary mass movements:The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)do not believe in revolutionary mass movements or mobilizing the masses on partial economic demands.Only when the revolutionary movement reaches the higher stage,it would take the form of armed struggle.

10.Extension of the Revolutionary Movement.

The leadership of the C.P.I(M.L.)does not recognize the necessity of revolutionary movement as well as the necessity of extending it to new areas of launching armed struggle.On the contrary,they think that the extension of the programme of annihilation of the class enemy itself is the extension of the armed struggle.

The peasant movement should not be confined to any one area.Our organizational strength would also grow while building the revolutionary movement in an area

If the peasnt movement is expanded and the armed struggle is launched in the vast areas ,the guerillas could in the face of the enemy’s attacks escape from one area to another and resist the enemy armed forces.

Once an armed struggle is launched,it should never be confined to any single area.It should be continuously extended to new and adjacent areas.

11India is divided into several nationalities.

However we do not support the C.P.I.(M.L.)’s demand of a seperrate Telengana state.,which matches the separate Telengana movement with the Telengana peasnt armed struggle.

They are hiding the fact that peasants and workers of Telengana have not participated in the revolt.
True,the peole in some towns fought heroically facing even the bullets from the police.

The peasants and workers have not participated in the separate Telengana movement.They remained neutral.Without the overthrow of the ruling class the “Peoples Raj’ in Telengana is inconceivable.

12.The Revolutionary Authority of the party is established only when correct leadership is provided toi the revolution.The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) has failed in leading They are still trying to establish their’revolutionary authority.” The Naxalbari armed struggle.They have also failed in Srikakulam.

13..Rejecting the role of th negated the historic role of the Telengana armed struggle.e Telengana armed Struggle-The C.P.I.(M.L) led by Charu Mazumdar . In1946 a red Letter was written in the history of the Indian Communist Movement. This event was the Telengana Armed Struggle led by the Andhra Pradesh Unit of the Communist Party of India.Thousands of acres of land were redistributed.Mass revolutionary line was practiced. The relationship between the agrarian revolutionary Movement and the armed struggle and formation of the peoples army was established and the issue of armed revolution and the principle of forming a people’s army based in the agrarian mass revolutionary programme and movement. was formulated.

Charu’s C.P.I.(M.L.)stated:Naxlabari represents the first ever application of Mao’s thought on the soil of India.It was in Naxalbari that the peasants for the first time ,launched their struggle for power.For this reason,Naxalbari symbolizes the path of liberation for exploited masses of the Indian peopleThus ushering in a new era in the political history of India.”

The Naxalbari leadership could have avoided the mistakes they made had they correctly grasped the experiences of the Telengana armed struggle.They could have redoubled he organsied strength of the Naxalbari peasants with the distribution of land,establishment of the village Soviets and building of peoples armed forces and be in position to carry on the protracted war.Instead they deny that the Telengana armed struggle relied on Mao’s thought.Inspite of their loud talk on relying on the masses ,they are not in actual fact prepared to undertake the revolutionary mass mobilization.They formulate that the Naxalbari struggle is not a struggle for land but for political power.”

The struggle suffered political defeat, not because of class enemies and the state ,but at the hands of the revisionist policies of the general staff of the C.P.I.

The C.P.I. leadership withdrew the Struggle and veered it towards the parliamentary path. The foundation for the Struggle was the meticulous mass work carried out between the years 1941-1946 ,similar to the launching of the Chinese peasant armed revolutionary struggle.

In 1948 a historic letter was written in Andhra on 9th July called the Andhra thesis., which highlighted that the Indian revolution would follow the Chinese path of ,of protracted peoples armed struggle with the peasants being the main force. The Indian economy was characterized as semi-colonial and semi-feudal., the peasant question as the core of Indian revolution, and the stage of revolution as ‘New Democratic’.

When the document was written the Telengana Struggle was at it’s peak. The concept of the united front with the middle and rich peasants was advocated. Resistance bases of the Chinese Type were to be formed The guerilla Warfare was deployed to defend the land and the village Soviets. Land was distributed in 3000 villages and the guerilla squads launched significant armed struggle against the Nizam’s army and the Razakars.The police sided with the Razakars and in retaliation the guerilla squads began to attack the police. The police used to attack in the day, while the people would retaliate at night.

Nagi Reddy’ s line was followed in Punjab by the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi that revived the mass organisation the Punjab Students Union and built the Naujavan Bharat Sabha ,a popular Youth Organisation.These organizations represented the broad masses of Punjab .The famous Moga Sangram Rally constituting the Naujavan Bharat Sabha,the Punjab Students Union, the Mould and Steel Workers Union and the Wahikar Union was led by the Punjab C-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries.(P.C.R.C) On October 22nd 1974.An armed demonstarion of 20,000 people took place. It is of significance that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was earlier a member of the C.P.I.M.L led by Comrade Charu Mazumdar.He led the PCRC indisplaying one of the finest examples of Communist mass revolutionarl line in India.In 1974 the Punjab Co-Ordination committee brought out a significant document stating.

In 1974 the Punjab Co-ordination Committee published a document why they demarcated themselves from Charu Mazumdar’s CPI (ML):

1. Since the socio-economic conditions differ and political consciousness varies from place to place, the revolutionary movements have to pass through various stages, and different tactics would have to be used at various places.
2. To ignore open and legal struggles is left adventurism. These will contribute to the development of armed struggle.
3. Annihilation of class enemies leads to the emergence of feelings of hero worship and retards revolutionary initiative.
4. To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism. The working class will have to pass through various phases of struggle.
5. Mass organisations will have to be formed such as peasant, worker and student organisations.
6. Although the rural areas are the main areas of struggle the movement cannot exclude the mass organisations in urban areas.
7. Individual annihilations do not comprise people’s war. The CPI (ML) is too simplistic about it.
8. The CPI (ML) ignores the fact that the People’s democratic revolution will occur under the leadership of the proletariat, particularly the industrial working class.
In 1974 this trend not only re-organised the Punjab Students Union but revived the Naujavan Bharat Sabha, a revolutionary organization founded in the days of anti-colonial martyr Bhagat Singh.
In 1974 the famous Moga Sangram (Struggle) rally was led and in 1979 a massive 10,000 strong rally was led state-wide against the murder of Punjab Students Union leader Prithipal Sing Randhawa.
The weakening of the Secular democratic movement led to the emergence of Sikh communal politics.
To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism.The working class will have to pass through various stages.

Naxalbari Struggle-genesis and post-Naxalbari analysis.

Formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L-in tribute to comrade Tarimela Nagi Reddy in light of 50 yrs of naxalbari soon.

The A.P.C.C.R made protracted efforts to tread the mass line. While in jail, the leadership concentrated on political and ideological work and wrote documents in criticism of revisionism, left opportunism, left devation within the Party’Right Opportunist trend within the party’ and Fundamental Line and question of Unity” Efforts were made to initiate the mass line and a paper” Proletarian Path’ was brought out together with Comrades from West Bengal.The Andhra Comrades developed relationships with the Srikakulam Comrades (inside jail).A series of steps was planned to develop political and organizational unity.Relations were established with Comrades like Kanu Sanyal and Souren Bose..Talks took place with Comrade Satya Narayan Singh but in no time the Andhra Comrades rejected merging with his organization. The A.P.C.C.C.R preapared draft Programme Path and Constitution for Unity Talks.There were only 4 organisations in the Unity Conference. They were A.P.C.C.R, West Bengal Coordination Committee, North Zone Committee and West Begal Communist Unnity Centre.

In April 1975the birth of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India took place. It was inaugurated by Comrade D.V Rao. The unity conference adopted a resolution on martyrs, programme, path, method of work, constitution and a statement on unification. The unity conference elected a Central Committee with Devullapali Venkateswara Rao (DV) as its secretary. UCCRI(ML) had as its ambition to unite all communist revolutionarty forces, including people within the CPI(ML) fold. UCCRI(ML) started publishing the SPARK as its central organ..

There was a decision on behalf of the Kerala Communist Unity Centre to merge with UCCRI(ML) in June 1975, but that organization suffered interal splits and the merged was cancelled. In July 1976 T. Nagi Reddy, who had been the most important leader of the party, died. His death became a severe set-back for UCCRI(ML).

In August 1976 the same year the organization suffered a split. A conflict had emerged in the CC, and DV had been removed from the post of secretary. DV accused three other CC members (led by a CC member from the NZC) of having formed a "rival centre", and suspended them unilaterally. In the split the Northern Zone Committee (i.e. Rajasthan) and Bengal Committee had broken away, along with the "rival centre". The break-away group later developed a pro-Albanian line.

DV returned to Andhra Pradesh and rallied the Andhra organization around him. DV pushed through a merger of the Punjab Communist Revolutionary Committee with the UCCRI(ML) in June 1976. He resurrected a Central Committee including himself, the PCRC secretary (Harbhajan Sohi) and two leaders from Andhra (Madhu and Anand), which was to function until a regular conference would be held.
Just before his death comrade T.N wrote this letter to the then secretary of the UCCRI-M.L.
The contradictions of the ruling classes had reached a bursting point. The J.P. Movement was consolidating itself in all parts of India which affected the stability of the ruling Congress party. Various political groups were mobilized under one political mainstream under the J.P.leadership. Inner cracks were taking place within the ruling Congress party..The Allahabad judgement and the defeat of the Congress in Gujarat seemed to have pushed all the disgruntled groups into one mainstream. The cabinet showed inner cracks.

1. The contention between the superpowers was growing. South Asia became the cockpit of struggles between the 2 superpowers.

India’s actions in Bangladesh and Sikkim helped the expansionist policies of Soviet expansionism.

2. The revisionist parties were supporting every repressive act. (The C.P.I.supported the emergency.) They gave up their programme of land reform. They supported the anti-strike policies of the Congress. The working class was blamed by them for the failure of living upto production targets. They projected themselves as progressives while in reality they supported the states actions trampling peoples civil liberties and democratic rights. In trade Union struggles they supported the management. Parliamentary Congressism without an anti-imperialist ,anti-feudal programme led to sections of Communist revolutionaries into following the revisionists.

3. The aid that was being offered by the world bank was causing havoc. particularly in the rural areas. India would now become a greater debtor. The creation of anti -imperialist nationalism on every front was needed .The 20 point programme of the Congress did not have a single imperialist task.

4. The landlord classes had greatly strengthened. A lot of the landlord classes had diversified their economy into various other fields such as trade, small factories as rice mills, Groundnut factories, cinema theatres, contractors and so on. In such a situation if their lands are not touched ,then the question of land distribution becomes a farce.Temple lands were the best example of this.These lands were sold in auction -landed property to be turned into monetary property. For the agrarian revolution concretized local slogans had to be given along with general slogans. The reactionary theory of forming land committees must be exposed .This was the equivalent of the landlords being asked to distribute their own lands.

5 Every point of the ruling class 20 point progamme should be refuted. The policy of accepting imperialist capital had to be exposed tooth and nail. With increased foreign aid ,the drain on foreign exchange in all dimensional forms -legal and illegal was the fundamental problem. With increased attacks on smugglers the government had liberalised imports on the falicious plea of export promotion.-primarily to finance import of goods which go into current consumption as a price stabilising operation.The tendency of the beneficiaries will be to import items which cater to elitist demand and maximise their profits regardless of the aims of the national economy, thereby liberalizing to an extent legal and semi-legal smuggling in the interests of the organised sector of the economy.. The world bank had been insisting on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports. Illegal smuggling was now replaced by legal smuggling. The world bank had insisted on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports.

A massive firing had taken place on so -called corrupt an inefficient officers. The Ayub Khan Govt. which carried this out was a most corrupt regime. He carried out actions to divert the people. The manipulations of multi-national companies was a great example of corruption which in India had reached in every strata of society from the administrative machinery to the lowest level village cadre.A new cadre of corrupt backward caste youth was created. This corruption would be a great obstacle to the movement. This feature should be studied from the village level.

6.There was great singleness of purpose in the U.C.C.R.I.The adventurism of Charu Mazumdar,the disruptionist of the Chandra Pulla Reddy group,and the class-collaborationist policies of the Jayaprakash group was consistently refuted.

The recognition of Charu Mazumdars China caused problems initially but that problem had been overcome. Nagi Reddy 's contribution to the formulation, development and defence of the communist revolutionary line are invaluable in an era where pragmatism in political conduct and cynicism in attitude are affecting the rank and file of revolutionary groups. Comrade T.N always had an integral political -ideological concept and excelled in practicing it.

A revolutionary journal evaluating his contribution stated, 'In analysing any political development or situation, sticking to the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism, proceeding from the current development of and interrelation between fundamental contradictions, ascertaining the particular form of conduct of different political forces in relation to them, ascertaining the actual state of affairs of the revolutionary forces and working out not only practical tasks but also the concrete form of revolutionary activity in relation with them.,all this he did in a manner that not only corresponded to the long-term interests of the revolution but was identifiable with the long-term interests of the movement and it's strategic goal.'
Comrade T.N was an uncompromising crusader against revisionism and as well as right and left opportunism fought against the personality cult and personal vilifications and mantained discipline, sacrifice, responsibility ,patience, courage and humility throughout his life.

The virtues of Comrade T.N belonged to future generations of revolutionaries who inherited his legacy. The great Comrade Tarimala Nagi Reddy made a historic contribution by demarcating from the wrong trends and till today has made the greatest contribution towards the building of the mass line His method of work reminded the author of the painstaking efforts made by Comrades of the Chinese Communist Party to develop work in the masses. However Only after the proletarian party has been re-organised,mass protracted peoples War started or the revolution completed can Nagi Reddy’s true contribution be judged. The other important factor is whether he adopted the correct Unity approach with other revolutionary Sections, particularly those who struggled for the mass line within the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.M.L .

5.Organisational Decelopments within the U C C R I M.L in the post Nagi Reddy phase.

UCCRI(ML) of DV later evaluted the split in the following way; "From whatever the discussion that had taken place, we can draw some conclusions.

1. Excepting on two issues, there reflected no divergencies in the CC on political positions adopted by Com. DV in the course of whole development.
2. Com. DV viewed the whole course of development like this: The NZC and its allies did not accept the line with convictions and genuinity. This was the basic cause for the split. They were manipulators, careerists and doubtful elements. They were incorrigible. Hence the split was unaviodable sooner or later. ..." (Indian Revolutionary Movement: Some Lessons and Experiences. Red Flag Publications, 1989: Vijayawada)

In 1977 a section of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)Left the organization led by Ramalinachari to from the Branches were started in Orissa and Kerala. In 1978 a group from the Debra area of Midnapore, West Bengal joined UCCRI(ML) after some rounds of discussions with the CC. The convenor of the erstwhile Maharashtra State Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (which had left AICCCR after the expulsion of APCCCR) joined UCCRI(ML), leading to the formation of a unit in Maharashtra.
UCCRI(ML) split for the second time in September 1979 when the Punjab committee, under the leadership of Harbhajan Sohi, broke away. HBS had developed a criticism of Mao's Three Worlds Theory. DV, on the other hand, defended the Three Worlds Theory and the new leadership of the Communist Party of China.

The Punjab committee came to establish a parallel UCCRI(ML).

Ahead of the 1980 elections, UCCRI(ML) reviewed their stand towards participation. UCCRI(ML) always saw the issue of elections as a tactical issue. Initially the party had taken the policy of non-participation. But in 1980 UCCRI(ML) came out with an appeal to "defeat pro-super power reactionary forces in elections". An article written by DV in the January 1980 issue of Proletarian Line (the central organ of UCCRI(ML) at the time) proposed the following; "We have been treating and are treating the participation or boycott ... as a form of struggle and our practice is the sameRevolutionary Organising Centre.(R.O.C.)

We do not think that "boycott" can be the slogan of present day ..... In the same way it is too premature to think of candidates in the prevailing situation in which the defective nature of electoral system is one. In these conditions our participation will be one of taking measures to advance the revolutionary movement by utilizing this opportunity. The people are being mobilised to see the real face of contesting parties who have not been serving them in any way what so ever.

Keeping all the points in view, we appeal to the people to defeat the game of the two super powers in general and Soviet Union in particular. We appeal to people to defeat the game of landlords who are trying to survive by diverting the agrarian revolutionary movement. Almost all the election parties are connected with these forces in one way or the other."

The article continues; "Since pro-super power and reactionary forces in general and pro-Soviet forces in particular pose the main danger to our country we will mobilse all those forces who are opposed to them and see that they are strengthened so that they are able to defeat them as far as possible. In this connection, we ask the people to differentiate between genuine and fake anti-Soviet, democratic forces."

In the actual electoral campaign, however, the new policy was not consistent. In Andhra Pradesh the party promoted non-participation, in reality a boycott, whereas the party supported certain candidates in West Bengal and Orissa.

In the aftermath of the elections, a split surged with DV leaving the party with a group of followers in Andhra. DV set up his own UCCRI(ML). After DVs departure, Anand became the new CCSecretary of the remaining UCCRI(ML).now called the Muktigami Group.

In 1988 Anand broke away from UCCRI(ML) Muktigami Group after a long period of dissent in the organization. The rift between Anand and other surged in the preparations to hold a party conference. Anand was able to win over the Maharashtra unit. Anand also reopened relations with Sohi's UCCRI(ML). After the split, the faction of Anand together with Sohis faction created the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India together with three other groups the same year.
The remaining UCCRI(ML) faction, namely the Muktigami Group led by Viswam and Madhu, merged into the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Janashakti in 1992. Madhu signed the merger agreement on behalf of UCCRI(ML

Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India was formed in 1988 through the merger of the Anand and Harbhajan Sohi factions of UCCRI(ML), the R.O.C led by Chandrashekar, Revolutionary Communist Party(Takra Group) and Organizing Committee, CPI(ML). The initiative was taken by the two UCCRI(ML) splinter groups,in particular by the U.C.C.R.I.M.L led by Anand.
In August 1994 CCRI merged together with the CPI(ML) Central Team, Communist Unity Centre of India and Marxist-Leninist Organising Centre to form the Communist Party Reorganization Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist).

In West Bengal under Comrade Gunadhar Murmu peasant struggles were organized on the Nagi Reddy line and attempts were made to re-organise the peasant associations that had been earlier disbanded as a result of Charu Mazumdar’s left adventurist policies.(Infact the Debra Comrades were the first to launch 2 line struggle agansit Left Adventurism in Bengal)In the late 1970’s different trends arose within the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India.In Rajasthan peasant Stuggles were developed in areas..

The impact of the Nagi Reddy line was felt in Andhra Pradesh when a struggle oriented Democratic Righrs Organisation,the Organisation for Protection for Democratic Rigts was formed in 1975 .This upheld the practice that Democratic Rights Organsiations must uphold the right to struggle against Economic opression as a Fundamental Right and also identify with thre class struggles of the toiling people. Earlier in 1974 the Democratic Students Organization was inaugurated  supporting the Nagi Reddy Line .In it’s 1978 conference Punjab student Union  leader Prithipal Singh Randhwaa and Jaspal Jassi attended it. Recently when I met Jaspal Jassi,who is editor of journal Surkh Leeh , he was greatly impressed with it’s work and approach A major Cultural Organisation the Peoples Literary and Cultural Federation was built which fought against the trend of imposing the ideology of Mao Tse Tung Thought in a democratic mass organization.

This was trend where comrade Volga supporting D.V.Rao opposed the inclusion of Mao Zedomg thought in the manifesto of Virasam and left the organization...Infact he produced a document explaining how by adding Mao thought mnay mass section scould be isolated. Significant Cultural programmes were done giving solidarity to rural and urban movements.A big democratic Rights Organisation was formed. In Punjab following the line of the Tarimal Nagi Reddy (Only after the death of Nagi Reddy did the Punjab Co-ordination Committee led by Harbhajan Sohi join the Unity Centre of Commuist Revolutionaries of India)a struggle developed led by the Punjab Students Union implementing the ‘mass revolutionary line’ of Tarimala Nagi Reddy (as claimed by the Punjab State Committee) in contrast to the other forces. On July 17th 1979 Prithipal Singh Randhawa(25th death anniversary year of martyrdom on July 18th 1979),the leader of Punjab Students Union was murdered. A major armed protest struggle was developed all over the state involving 20,000 People. After Mao’s death in 1976 a 2 line struggle emerged in China where Mao’s line was defeated .Revolutionary Groups began to support Hua Gufeng and attributed the Dengist theory of 3 worlds to Comrade Mao.One Comrade from the Punjab Section of the Organisation opposed the three worlds theory Undemocratically Comrade D.V attempted to impose the theory on members of the organisation without democratic reference or consultation.(Report of U.C.C.R.I section led by Harbhajan Sohi) However in 1979 a split took place in the Organisation on account of disagreeing with the Dengist 3 Worlds theory.This was led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi.

The Punjab State committee has earlier brought out a historic document on the essential difference between the mass organization and the party based on the Tarimala Nagi Reddy Line..”
It must be stated that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi,who led the Punjab Group , in the view of the author in the post- Nagi Reddy days has made the greatest contribution in developing the proletarian revolutionary theory in India.(Information from appendix of Documents of the U.C.C.R.I.M.L. In 1977 and documents of 1979 Draft Programme )Comrade Harbhajan has to date made the greatest contribution in developing the correct International line whereby he rejected the principal Opportunist trends like Deng’s 3 Worlds theory.

However it is questionable whether the mass line was correctly implemented by the organization led by Harbhajan as another split took place shortly after the 1979 split(From D.V.Rao section) within Punjab.Between 1979 and the time of forming the anti communal Front in November 1986 there was little progress in Punjab in the development of the revolutionary peasant Front and the student and youth front which was so strong in the mid and late1970s.The trade Union movement was relatively weak too.

Another factor to be taken into account was that because of a weak Communist Revolutionary led Democratic Movement the Communal Khalistani politics got predominance in Punjab.It must however be stated that with the C.P.I.M.L Central Team Group and the Revolutionary Communist Party of India(Takra Group) the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries section led by Comrade H.B.S was the architect of the the “Front against Repression and Communalism’ formed in Punjab in November 1986 to combat the Khalistani and State terrorism.

In Andhra Pradesh in the early 1980’s a group led by D.V Rao split from the Manam Rama Rao led original U.C.C.R.I.M.L called D.V’S group.It is debatable whether it was correct of Comrdae Harbhajan Sohi to split the U.C.C.RI.M.L ,but the International line of the leadership was most defective and the correct mass line of later movement in Punjab may never have taken place without spilt.However it divided the movement at an All India level.The major question was whether conditions for carrying out armed struggle existed within the Movement.

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