Wednesday, December 3, 2014

3rd December : Long Live Chairman Gonzalo : 3 de diciembre: ¡ Viva el Presidente Gonzalo!



Democracy and Class Struggle thank the comrades for sending us this video

See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2011/04/to-undertand-mariategui-by-chairman.html

RESOLUCIÓN DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ CON MOTIVO DEL 80 ANIVERSARIO
Con motivo del 80 aniversario del Presidente Gonzalo, el Partido Comunista del Perú resuelve:

1° El Partido Comunista del Perú se reafirma incólume en que el Presidente Gonzalo es el Jefe del Partido y la revolución como se aprobara en el I Congreso de 1988; en que sus principales aportes son: la Reconstitución del Partido como Partido de nuevo tipo, la dirección de la trascendente guerra popular y el haber definido el maoísmo como nueva, tercera y superior etapa del marxismo, enarbolando, defendiendo y aplicando el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo como la ideología del proletariado.

2° En que enfrentando 22 años de aislamiento e incomunicación en una prisión militar como la Base Naval del Callao, su pensamiento ha seguido desarrollándose en defensa del Partido, el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo y la revolución. De ahí:

  • Su iniciativa política justa y correcta de proponer una Nueva Gran Estrategia para la IV etapa del Partido: pasar de lucha política con armas a lucha política sin armas, asumida por la izquierda e impuesta contra la línea oportunista de derecha, caudillista, militarista burguesa, que optó por llevar la guerra popular a su derrota y al Partido a su escisión; habiendo el Presidente Gonzalo ahí ganado una nueva batalla política unificando a la inmensa mayoría con su propuesta, la que devino Nueva Línea Política General.
  • Su persistencia porque se logre una Solución Política, Amnistía General y Reconciliación Nacional, política fundamental justa y correcta, necesaria para que la sociedad peruana cierre como corresponde el capítulo de la guerra de la década del 80 del siglo pasado; indispensable para que el Estado deje de usar el pretexto de la guerra para extender su poder punitivo contra el pueblo criminalizando sus luchas; y también útil para los miles de involucrados a quienes se les margina de la sociedad cual parias.
  • Su estrategia legal justa y correcta que llevó a la anulación de todos los juicios militares y de jueces sin rostro. De ahí su justo y correcto cuestionamiento al sistema legal antisubversivo usado como arma de guerra, que niega derechos empezando por no considerar al imputado como persona reduciéndolo a cosa, que introduce la “peligrosidad” del individuo borrando el principio de que son los hechos los que se juzgan, y, es lo más nefasto, trastroca la realidad de un hecho político como la guerra popular revolucionaria para someterla a la calificación del imperialismo que pretende denigrar así la revolución y a los revolucionarios.
3° Se reafirma también en que el Presidente Gonzalo en su larga brega comunista indesmayable viene contribuyendo decididamente a la revolución proletaria mundial, concibiendo la revolución peruana como parte de la revolución mundial, adoptando el internacionalismo proletario y esbozando escritos como “150 años de marxismo” de 1993, donde hace un balance reafirmativo en la concepción científica del marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo y plantea la importancia de defenderlo ante la ofensiva contrarrevolucionaria imperialista que atacaba la meta de utopía y la ideología de caduca; el escrito de “La globalización, definición y primera crisis 1997”, en el cual toma el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo para desenmascarar el imperialismo y aportar a la solución de los problemas nuevos de la revolución; y su magistral análisis de la crisis económica mundial, definiéndola como la más grande, grave y extensa crisis del sistema capitalista mundial. Destacándose muy especialmente su invicta convicción en los momentos más difíciles de la revolución proletaria mundial y en sus propias y más adversas circunstancias, persistiendo en que el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo es la ideología del proletariado en torno a la cual hay que unirse ideológica, política y organizativamente para hacer la revolución.

4° Igualmente el Partido Comunista del Perú se reafirma incólume en que la lucha entendida como expresión de la contradicción en la sociedad y dentro del Partido, es también para el Presidente Gonzalo un elemento fundamental y cada logro obtenido significó luchar contra la reacción y contra el revisionismo que es la burguesía en el seno del Partido; lucha con la pasión y la tenacidad tan propias de los comunistas alimentado por sus inquebrantables convicciones.

5° Más de 60 años dedicados al derrocamiento del sistema de explotación capitalista hoy en imperialismo y globalización, y de sus Estados oligárquicos financieros o reaccionarios burgueses, sirviendo al pueblo de todo corazón y con desinterés personal absoluto, luchando por la emancipación del proletariado y el pueblo en quienes siembra la conciencia de que su organización y lucha revolucionarias son la única solución a la vil explotación de la que son objeto y que por tanto la clase ha de dirigir a través de sus partidos comunistas la lucha por la conquista del poder para construir un nuevo sistema económico y político: el socialismo, con rumbo al comunismo.

Razón por la cual el imperialismo y la reacción lo tienen como su enemigo y no les ha bastado condenarlo a cadena perpetua y aislarlo, 22 años después le abren nuevos juicios, encarcelan a sus abogados y se oponen a la amnistía general optando, en vez de una solución política que lleve a la reconciliación nacional, una persecución política contrarrevolucionaria. Misma razón por la cual el revisionismo escisionista de ayer y de hoy lo tienen como su adversario, así por un lado hay quien desde su antro virtual derrama el veneno del resentimiento de un renegado que se mantuvo encubierto reptando hasta que fue descubierto, desenmascarado y expulsado. Y por otro lado, el mismo oportunismo caudillista militarista que escindió y derivó en un grupo armado antipartido, antimarxismo y antipueblo, impotente político desata su declaración de asesinar al Presidente Gonzalo y la camarada Míriam.

Ataques convergentes ante los cuales el Partido Comunista del Perú sale resueltamente a condenar, rechazar y repudiar a la vez que a defender al Presidente Gonzalo quien en todo su recorrido ha desarrollado el Pensamiento Gonzalo y ha devenido el más grande marxista-leninista-maoísta viviente y a quien en este 3 de diciembre, día jubiloso, pletóricos de optimismo rendimos nuestro más alto y solemne homenaje elevándole desde aquí el profundo cariño que miles de hijos del pueblo, comunistas y revolucionarios le profesamos con respeto y admiración.

¡DEFENDER AL PRESIDENTE GONZALO! ¡80 ANIVERSARIO!
¡VIVA EL PRESIDENTE GONZALO,
JEFATURA DEL PARTIDO Y LA REVOLUCIÓN!
¡SIGAMOS SU PENSAMIENTO DE OPONER LA REVOLUCIÓN
A LA GUERRA MUNDIAL IMPERIALISTA QUE PREPARAN!

3 DE DICIEMBRE DEL 2014
COMITÉ CENTRAL
PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ


RESOLUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU ON THE OCCASION OF 80 YEARS
To mark the 80th anniversary of Chairman Gonzalo, the Communist Party of Peru resolved:

1 The Communist Party of Peru reaffirms intact when President Gonzalo is the head of the Party and the revolution as the first Congress passed in 1988; that its main contributions are: the Reconstitution of the Party as a party of a new type, the address of the transcendent popular war and having defined Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of Marxism, peaking, defending and applying Marxism-Leninism Maoism as the ideology of the proletariat.

2nd In that facing 22 years of isolation and confinement in a military prison and the Naval Base of Callao, his thinking has continued to develop in defence of the Party, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and revolution. Hence:

  • His just and correct political initiative of proposing a New Grand Strategy for Party Stage IV: moving from political struggle with weapons to fight without weapons policy, undertaken by the left and imposed against right opportunist line, strongman, bourgeois military, which chose to take the people's war to defeat and the party to its division; I having the President Gonzalo there gained a new political battle unifying the vast majority with its proposal, which became New General Political Line.
  • Their persistence is achieved because a Political Solution, General Amnesty and National Reconciliation, fair and correct fundamental policy, necessary for Peruvian society as befits the closing chapter of the war the 80s of the last century; essential for the state to stop using the pretext of the war to extend its punitive power against the people criminalizing their struggles; and also useful for the thousands of stakeholders who are marginalized from society which pariahs.
  • Its just and correct legal strategy that led to the cancellation of all military trials and faceless judges. Hence its right and proper questioning the legal system counterinsurgency used as a weapon of war, denying rights starting with no considering the accused person reducing it to something that introduces the "dangerousness" of the individual erasing the principle that it is the facts that judged, and is most harmful, inverts the reality of a political event as the revolutionary people's war for submission to the rating of imperialism that seeks and denigrate the revolution and revolutionary.

3rd President Gonzalo was also reaffirms its long struggle that comes unfailing communist contributing decisively to the world proletarian revolution, conceiving the Peruvian revolution as part of the world revolution, adopting the proletarian internationalism and outlining written as "150 years of Marxism" 1993, where a balance reafirmativo ago in the scientific conception of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and raises the importance of defending against the imperialist counter-offensive attacking the goal of utopia and ideology expires; the letter of "Globalization, definition and first crisis 1997", which takes Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to unmask imperialism and contribute to the solution of new problems of the revolution; and his masterly analysis of the global economic crisis, defining it as the largest, severe and widespread crisis of the world capitalist system. Highlighting especially its unbeaten conviction in the most difficult moments of the world proletarian revolution and its own and most adverse circumstances, persisting in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the ideology of the proletariat around which we must join ideological, political and organizationally to make revolution.

4th Likewise the Communist Party of Peru reaffirms that the fight unscathed understood as an expression of the contradiction in society and within the Party, is also Chairman Gonzalo an essential and every achievement obtained meant fighting against reaction and Revisionism is the bourgeoisie within the Party; fight with passion and tenacity so typical of communist fueled by his unshakable convictions.

5th More than 60 years dedicated to the overthrow of capitalist exploitation and imperialist globalization today, and its oligarchic financial or reactionary bourgeois states, serving the people wholeheartedly and with absolute selflessness, fighting for the emancipation of the proletariat and the village who sows the awareness that their organization and revolutionary struggle are the only solution to the vile exploitation they are subjected and which therefore has to lead the class through its communist parties struggle for the conquest of power to build a new economic and political system: socialism, communism bound.

Why imperialism and reaction have it as their enemy and has not been enough to condemn them to life imprisonment and isolate, 22 years after they open new trials, imprison their lawyers and oppose general amnesty opting, instead of a political solution leading to national reconciliation, a counterrevolutionary political persecution. Same reason why the splitting revisionism yesterday and today have it as his adversary, and on one side there who from his virtual nightclub pours the poison of resentment of a renegade who remained concealed crawling until he was discovered, exposed and expelled . On the other hand, the same military strongman excised and opportunism that led to an armed anti-Party group, anti-Marxism and antipueblo, politically impotent unleashes his statement to assassinate President Comrade Gonzalo and Miriam.

Converging attacks before which the Communist Party of Peru goes resolutely condemn, reject and repudiate while to defend Chairman Gonzalo who all the way Gonzalo Thought has developed and has become the greatest Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and who in this Dec. 3, joyful day and the abundance of optimism pay our highest and most solemn tribute here elevate the deep affection that thousands of children of the people, communists and revolutionaries profess him with respect and admiration.

DEFEND THE CHAIRMAN GONZALO! 80 ANNIVERSARY!
LIVE CHAIRMAN GONZALO,
LEADERSHIP OF THE PARTY AND THE REVOLUTION!
COME YOUR THINKING OF OPPOSING THE REVOLUTION
WORLD WAR TO PREPARING IMPERIALIST!

DECEMBER 3, 2014
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF
THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
Source: http://pcp71028.blogspot.co.uk/
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Tuesday, December 2, 2014

India: Within a day of Chhattisgarh chief minister Raman Singh asserting that the state will become "Naxal-free", Maoists struck in Sukma district on Monday, killing 14 Central Reserve Police Force personnel, including two officers.


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"The Future Belongs to the People" December 2nd 1914 - Karl Liebknecht explaining why he voted "No" to War Budget



Reichstag Meeting, December 2, 1914, and Liebknecht's Document Explaining Why He Voted "No"

AT the second War Session of the Reichstag, Dec. 2, 1914, Karl Liebknecht not only voted against the War Budget – the only member of the Reichstag so to vote – but also handed in an explanation of his vote, which the President of the Reichstag refused to allow to be read, nor was it printed in the Parliamentary report. The President banned it on the pretext that it would entail calls to order. The document was sent to the German Press, but not one paper published it.

The full text of the protest was received by way of Switzerland. It runs as follows:

"My vote against the War Credit Bill of to-day is based on the following considerations. This War, desired by none of the people concerned, has not broken out in behalf of the welfare of the German people or any other. 

 It is an Imperialist War, a war over important territories of exploitation for capitalists and financiers. From the point of view of rivalry in armaments, it is a war provoked by the German and Austrian war parties together, in the obscurity of semi-feudalism and of secret diplomacy, to gain an advantage over their opponents. At the same time the war is a Bonapartist effort to disrupt and split the growing movement of the working class.

"The German cry: `Against Czarism!' is invented for the occasion – just as the present British and French watchwords are invented – to exploit the noblest inclinations and the revolutionary traditions and ideals of the people in stirring up hatred of other peoples.

"Germany, the accomplice of Czarism, the model of reaction until this very day, has no standing as the liberator of the peoples. The liberation of both the Russian and the German people must be their own work.

"The war is no war of German defense. Its historical basis and its course at the start make unacceptable the pretense of the capitalist government that the purpose for which it demands credits is the defense of the Fatherland.

"A speedy peace, a peace without conquests, this is what we must demand. Every effort in this direction must be supported. Only by strengthening jointly and continuously the currents in all the belligerent countries which have such a peace as their object can this bloody slaughter be brought to an end. "Only a peace based upon the international solidarity of the working class and on the liberty of all the peoples can be a lasting peace. Therefore, it is the duty of the proletariats of all countries to carry on during the war a common Socialistic work in favor of peace.

"I support the relief credits with this reservation: I vote willingly for everything which may relieve the hard fate of our brothers on the battlefield as well as that of the wounded and sick, for whom I feel the deepest compassion. 

 But as a protest against the war, against those who are responsible for it and who have caused it, against those who direct it, against the capitalist purposes for which it is being used, against plans of annexation, against the violation of the neutrality of Belgium and Luxemburg, against unlimited rule of martial law, against the total oblivion of social and political duties of which the Government and classes are still guilty, I vote against the war, credits demanded.

KARL LIEBKNECHT.


 BERLIN, December 2, 1914.
SEE ALSO: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/11/the-main-enemy-is-at-home-by-karl.html
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Defend the Life of Chairman Gonzalo "Complete isolation" not "capitulationist" (hunger strike) ?




We re-issue joint declaration from 2013 of supporters of Chairman Gonzalo concerning his complete isolation
Democracy and Class Struggle has been informed, though we cannt verify that Chairman Gonzalo is not on hunger strike.

If any comrades can provide more details of present situation of Chairman Gonzalo in Peru please post a comment.
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Monday, December 1, 2014

Coal and oil resources re-nationalised in Donetsk People’s Republic

                                                        Alexander Zakharchenko

Donetsk People’s Republic head Alexander Zakharchenko signed an executive order on the oil and coal industries The adoption of this executive order is aimed at preventing the export of property and documentation of state-owned mines and coal and energy companies that were owned by the Ukraine state, as well as strengthening control over the management of the products of coal mining, fuel and energy, and oil and gas companies.
 
This Executive order enters into force upon its signature. Control over its execution is the responsibility of acting Energy Minister Yevgeny Fainitsky. Earlier, the Kiev authorities declared the coal situation in Ukraine to be catastrophic.
 
As Deputy Energy and Coal Industry Minister Yuri Zyukov reported yesterday, on the morning of November 19, two out of ten Ukrainian thermal power plants were left with coal for only a few days. He noted that there are three solutions to this problem: buy coal from Ukrainian state-owned enterprises, opening bidding in those countries where the necessary kind of coal is mined,and the third option – buy from Russia. Donetsk Residents welcomed this decision:
 
 "Finally something that should belong to the people that the oligarchs stole after the collapse of the Soviet Union has been returned to the people.
 
These bloodsuckers got fat on our good will.

And now all profits from the products extracted by the hands of the same miners will go to hospitals, schools and social programmes.

Of course, it won’tbe easy at first.

We will have to learn how to manage such large companies.

But there are oligarchs who didn’t graduate from university.

So we’ll learn."
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Tasks of communists in Ukraine, Donbass and the West by Victor Shapinov

 


Workers World: What are the main tasks of Ukrainian communists in the coming period?

Victor Shapinov: The main task is to win a place for our political presence again.

Now we have a dictatorship in Ukraine. If you are a communist or leftist, you cannot speak freely — not in the media, not in the street, not anywhere. It is an underground situation.

It will remain this way unless we defeat the regime, though it may change in some degree — for example, if bankruptcy forces the transition to a more democratic regime, or if there is a victory of the people’s army and the territory of the people’s republics spreads.

I think it is something like the tasks of communists in Spain under Franco or in Greece under the Black Shirts.

The Kiev regime is not stable. It is violent and oppressive, but it’s weak. It is symptomatic that it has to be very oppressive because of its weakness.

Comrades who are inside Ukraine have to save their organization and save themselves from arrest or worse.

You see, what we are doing is trying to reanimate political activity in Odessa, in Kharkov, to support the political prisoners. They have to know they are not alone, that we did not forget about them. For us they are prisoners of war and we must free them from this regime.

There was an assault from the Maidan side, not only military but political. They repressed everyone in the southeast. But the pendulum will swing. We are waiting for the wind to shift.

[Maidan is the pro-imperialist movement which took its name from the central square of Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, where pro-West forces held protests in late 2013 and early 2014, and took power after the overthrow of President Victor Yanukovych in February. — WW]

Soon we will see a new wave of people’s protest which will merge the anti-Maidan, anti-fascist and democratic agenda with a social agenda. Since Maidan won, the conditions of common people have gotten worse and worse, due to rising prices, rent hikes, utility tariffs and so on.

And this, of course, is the task of communists: to merge the social and political protests together.

WW: And in the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics?

VS: The military side of things is very good; the militia commanders are doing a good job. The communists of Ukraine are not so experienced in this area. But there are big problems and weaknesses on the civil side, because the leaders did not build a new state, did not make changes in the economy.

There are some territories that are controlled in the military sense, but where the people’s militias don’t have strong links with the civilian population. There is not enough explanation of their goals or political mobilization of the people. It is a big danger. Winter is coming and all the social conditions will worsen.

So there is a lot of work for Borotba and other communists. We are exploring how we can be part of this. Some of our comrades in Donbass are already included, while others are active in the militias.

But even those of us who are now in exile may be needed by the people’s republics. Right now we are discussing how we can be helpful with some officials. We don’t want to go in like tourists.

This situation after the Maidan coup is quite new for the whole left, including us, of course. We don’t have a diagram with points that we should do this, this and this to establish socialist power. We are working in new conditions, and we are improvising.

WW: What can we in the U.S., and the international communist movement as a whole, do to support your struggle?

VS: The media call the situation in Ukraine an “information war.” And I think this is correct. It’s a cliché, but in this case it is true.

The whole world now lives under pro-Western propaganda. People in the U.S. and many other countries see things from this point of view, because of the media. They may not have even heard of Ukraine before this situation. And so they have no chance to make their own analysis, to decide who is good, who is bad, and which side they will stand on.

Western propaganda uses half-truths. For example, they emphasize the role of Russian Orthodox religious ideology in the movement. But people here are not religious; for many it is just a symbol, like Catholicism for Northern Ireland.

To try and understand these things is quite difficult. You can only understand it if you put the Ukrainian situation in the context of the world struggle against imperialism and capitalism. Then you can see which side of the spectrum this movement falls on.

It is not a completely proletarian, revolutionary or socialist movement. But it is in this direction, on this side of the class conflict.

I have no recipe for the U.S. and Western left.

 I think just to spread some real information about the situation in Ukraine and Donbass would be very good.

In Germany, where our comrade Sergei Kirichuk is now in exile, there is also mass media propaganda for the pro-Western, pro-Kiev position. But there is a strong branch of German society that does not believe this propaganda.

Some of these people even love [Russian President Vladimir] Putin now.

I don’t think they should love Putin, but it shows that in Western society there can be an intellectual opposition to the propaganda.

In the U.S., we see that some critical and social movements are waking up. We see with Occupy Wall Street that there is some discussion in U.S. society about the 1%, so the situation is not one of complete reactionary unity on all questions.

The Ukrainian situation is one that shows how imperialist propaganda has nothing in common with the interests of working-class people in the U.S.

Common people have no interest in supporting the Kiev oligarchy, the fascist junta, this corrupt regime that is trying to suppress the uprising in Donbass. People in the U.S. should not support the suppression of language rights against Russian-speaking people, and so on.

It involves the same questions of democracy, anti-fascism and anti-imperialism apparent in other parts of the world.

Westerners also have the ability to come and see with their own eyes. We have to say thank you to some Western journalists who tell the truth about the situation in Donbass, who go there and publish reports about what they see, like the Scottish journalist Graham Phillips.

He’s not ideological. For example, he doesn’t support the independence of Scotland, so he’s not a dedicated separatist or something. He just sees what is happening and his journalistic ethics don’t allow him to look away. He is not able to make propagandist lies.

With the development of the crisis of imperialism and capitalist structures, critical thinking will rise in the West. We will see a renaissance of critical viewpoints on capitalism and imperialism like in the 1960s or the early 20th century.

WW: What lessons can the global workers’ movement draw from Ukraine?

VS: It’s not just a question of Ukraine, Russia and the EU. This is only the first step in a major shift in the world capitalist system. It may begin in some areas like Ukraine and the Middle East, but it will not end there. It will be all over the world.

We should learn from this situation that there are some social powers which are in favour of war, of destroying existing structures and rights. They are interested in this, they want it, they will support forces like the Right Sector and other Ukrainian fascists, and they will arm them. It will not only be in Third World countries.

Some European countries are already close to this situation. For example, in Greece there is the Golden Dawn, which is something like the Right Sector. I’m sure they have armed militarist squads. When the political struggle develops, it will have a military aspect. We should learn from this situation and see what political blocs are forming.

Some of the people who are formally democratic and progressive, for example some human rights organizations, are on the side of very reactionary, anti-democratic, anti-human rights forces. At the same time, we see that some people who call themselves Orthodox or nationalist are now with us. I think there will be some complicated situations even in the West.

I don’t know that much about the U.S. left, but certainly this is true in Europe. I’ve been in Europe many times. I’ve observed that in a situation where the world system is dissolving and crashing, much of the European left is not trying to go forward, but only to save some social guarantees they had in 1970s or 1980s.

People start to see some of the left as a conservative force. It’s a weak position because their base will only get smaller and smaller.

And we see some far-right and right-populist organizations, which see that the system is dissolving, present themselves to the people as agents of destroying the system, while the left is portrayed as pro-system. So in France, for example, we see that parts of the working class, which voted for communists for years, are now voting for the National Front.

The disintegration of global capitalism poses an enormous challenge for revolutionaries everywhere.

Source: http://www.workers.org/articles/2014/11/22/tasks-communists-ukraine-donbass-west/
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Class forces in the Ukrainian civil war by Victor Shapinov


                                                                
 
 
Workers World: A major demand of the Maidan movement was adoption of an association agreement with the European Union. What forces in Ukraine were pushing for integration with the EU? What impact will compulsory austerity measures enforced by the EU and International Monetary Fund have on the struggle there?

[Maidan is the pro-imperialist movement which took its name from the central square of Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, where it held protests in late 2013 and early 2014. The backbones of this movement, which received extensive funding and political support from the U.S. government, were neo-Nazi gangs and political parties.

Maidan culminated in the overthrow of the elected government of President Victor Yanukovych in February. It brought to power an alliance of wealthy oligarchs, neoliberal politicians and fascists that have carried out a brutal war against the working-class, primarily Russian-speaking population of the Donbass region and anti-fascists throughout Ukraine. — WW]

Victor Shapinov: Some people thought that so-called European integration would bring Western living standards to Ukraine. But to see reality, we need to look at the situation in Greece. The EU doesn’t bring high living standards, but a regime of austerity to cut social spending by the state.
Borotba was one of the first political forces that stood against Euro-integration. We published a major analysis of the consequences of integration with the EU economic system and the association treaty.

For countries like Ukraine, it means surrendering control of their markets to EU imperialism.
Take agriculture, for example. Ukraine has big, effective agricultural production. But agricultural goods from Europe are cheaper, because they get very big state subsidies from the EU — between 40 and 50 percent in some cases. The Ukrainian state simply cannot give such money to farmers, and they will go bankrupt.

It’s the same for industry. Ukraine will be flooded with cheap imports from the EU. At the same time, it will lose the market of Russia and other countries of the Customs Union.

Countries like Greece, Spain and Portugal, which are today living under austerity regimes, are the periphery of the central European Union countries. Ukraine will be the periphery of the periphery, like the developing countries of the Third World.

It is bad for Ukraine’s economy, but good for some branches of industry and the big oligarchs. Because of the capitalist crisis, they want the support of the West and guarantees for the safety of their capital. They were very active in the promotion of Euro-integration.

When the Maidan movement started, all the TV channels were in favor of it. They said that [then President Victor] Yanukovych is very bad and Maidan is very good. Almost all TV channels in Ukraine are privately owned by oligarchic groups. All of them promoted Maidan and made big propaganda in favor of it.

After the Maidan coup won, they agitated for the free trade agreement, and it was signed by Ukraine and the Europeans. But the treaty will start only in 2016. Even for Europe it is not so easy.

But if we talk about the neoliberal reforms in exchange for IMF loans, those are already beginning to take hold. The main figure in this process is Prime Minister Arseniy Yatesenyuk, who is very pro-Western. He proudly declared the largest program of privatization of state-owned property in the history of Ukraine.

We see that it is a new kind of politics for Ukraine: market fundamentalism on one hand, nationalism and fascism on the other. Now they walk side by side.

At the beginning, many people said Maidan was a people’s movement against corruption and so on. But what was the political leadership of this movement?

It was this bloc of neoliberals and fascists.

From the first day of the Maidan movement, Borotba’s prognosis was that its victory would bring this bloc to power.

They are like two hands of monopoly capital, trying to save its political and economic control. This was the political and social basis of the Maidan movement.

Yanukovych was not very effective for the monopoly capitalists. Before, they had to make some deals with him, but after Maidan, they hold direct political power, like oligarchs [Igor] Kolomoisky, who became governor of the Dnepretrovsk region, or [Serhiy] Taruta, who became governor of Donetsk.

Taruta, however, was expelled by the People’s Republic.

Some leftists called Maidan a people’s movement. But people are divided into classes. It’s not only a language question, that one part of the population speaks Russian and the other Ukrainian, but a class question.

The middle class and so-called “creative class” — freelancers from big cities and so on — were the core of the Maidan movement. Even in the cities of the southeast, you can see a pro-Maidan position represented by these social strata.

In Russia, there was a so-called peace march in Moscow [on Sept. 21], not really for peace but to support the Kiev government. It was very much inspired by pro-Western propaganda and led by Russian liberals. Their social basis is also the “creative class.”

These strata are linked with Western capitalism. Some of them work in branches of the economy dominated by Western businesses. Some orient toward the West because of their way of life and consumption.

They adopt this ideology and think that anyone who is against them or who is not so pro-Western is backward and primitive.

WW: What are the class forces at work in the resistance to the coup — the AntiMaidan movement and the Donbass People’s Republics?

VS: We see that people who are linked with so-called real production, the factories, mines and so on, are more involved in the AntiMaidan movement or share its sentiments.

We could not say it is a pure class division, that it is just the bourgeoisie on this side, and the proletariat on the other side, of course. It is more complicated.

The political agenda of Maidan does not speak with a clear class orientation. Rather, it talks about how the ruling class must make a so-called civilizational choice.

They say Ukraine must make a civilizational choice for Europe, for the West, and against Russia and the East.

Even left forces are guilty of this, or adopting this kind of political language.

When Borotba was at the head of the AntiMaidan movement in Kharkov, we always said that it was first of all an anti-oligarchy movement, even before anti-fascism, because it was the oligarchy that fed the fascists, raised them, supported them.

And now we see that they even arm them and form battalions of them to send to Donbass. We always tried to advance the class point of view.

Sometimes, even without the influence of Borotba or other leftists, there is spontaneous development of class thinking.

Take Aleksey Mozgovoy, commander of the Ghost Battalion of the people’s army in Donbass.

He is very leftist, anti-oligarchy and anti-bureaucratic. His ideal is self-government by the people, as we say, like the soviets [workers’ councils] in the early period of Soviet history.

It’s not because he read some books, but because he was inspired by this movement and made his own analysis.

Now there is a good basis to work with him.

There is also a strong influence from the Russian Federation and its forces. In some senses it’s good, because without Russia’s support, the resistance in Donbass would have been violently destroyed.

At the beginning, the movement had no leaders, no structures, nothing.

It’s a miracle that they survived and built an army that can win against the enemy.

Without some support from Russia it could not be. That is just reality.

But Russia is not a socialist or even a democratic country.

It tries to use this movement for its own goals.

Also, Russia tries to impose ideological views on the movement that are harmless to capitalism, for example, Russian Orthodox religion and Russian nationalist ideas.

WW: How would you describe the Russian nationalism in Donbass?

VS: In the West, if you support the People’s Republics, you will always encounter the argument that they are just Russian nationalists, that the conflict in Ukraine is a war between two kinds of nationalism.

But if you speak with these people from Donetsk who say they are Russian nationalists, it is quite different.

If someone in Moscow says he is a Russian nationalist, there’s a 90-percent chance he is a fascist.

If someone in Donetsk says that he is a Russian nationalist, 90 percent of the time, he is just for more rights for the Russian-speaking population, the right to education in the Russian-language, and so on.

Or he is against [Ukrainian nationalist and Nazi collaborator Stepan] Bandera being here.

In economic views, he is a socialist.

[Resistance leader and Donetsk “People’s Gov.”] Pavel Gubarev, for example, says he is a Russian nationalist, but at the same time he says he is an orthodox socialist.

A lot of people have such mixed-up views.

The ideological struggle is only at its first step. Who will win and what clear ideologies will emerge is the problem of work, of struggle.

It’s a pity that Borotba always had a weak organization in Donetsk and Lugansk.

That’s where the strongest movement was, so we have not had such a strong influence.

But there are leftist trends in the political leadership, for example, the head of the Supreme Soviet of Donetsk, Boris Litvinov.

He said, “We are building a republic with elements of socialism.”

He is a former member of the Communist Party of Ukraine. [On October 8, Litvinov became the chairperson of the newly-formed Communist Party of the Donetsk People’s Republic. — WW]

We know that a lot of fighters and commanders in the people’s army are leftists and communists, not only Mozgovoy, but also others who were members of the Communist Party or who call themselves communists.

There is a battalion whose sign is the red star. A lot of squads fight under the red flag.

That’s the difference, when it comes down to it.

If I have an argument with some leftist who says, “You have to support Maidan or not give support to either side,”

I respond, “You cannot come with a red banner to a Maidan demonstration, but there are always red banners among the Anti Maidan.”

And it’s not just because of nostalgia for the Soviet past. It’s about the political views of the people.

The Maidan always wants to destroy the monuments to Lenin, and Anti Maidan protects them.

Even some people who call themselves “monarchists” come out to protect the Lenin monuments.

As we say, it is a very complicated contradiction.

Source: http://www.workers.org/articles/2014/11/07/class-forces-ukrainian-civil-war/
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Nepal: Secret meeting of Chand supporters decides to lead "rebellion" Plus Press Conference

                                                           
                                                            Netra Bikram Chand

KATHMANDU, NOV 30 – A secret meeting of CPN-Maoist dissenters led by party Secretary Netra Bikram Chand concluded on Saturday with a decision to form a new party to lead another “rebellion”.

The four-day meeting held in Chitwan has decided to name the party as CPN (Maoist), said leaders who attended the meeting. CPN (Maoist) was the party led by UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal during the decade-long ‘people’s war’.

The Chand faction last week severed its ties with the party establishment, calling Chairman Mohan Baidya “incapable” of leading the party and class struggle ahead.

The leaders said that it would be a few more weeks before an official announcement of the new party. They are planning for a general convention next month to finalise the party’s guiding principle, organisational structure and strategies.

The meeting has formed a seven-member committee under Chand to decide new party’s political doctrine, immediate and future strategy.

Other members of the committee include Khadga Bahadur Bishwokarma, Dharmendra Bastola, Santosh Budamagar, Tilak Pariyar and Ishwori Dahal. Chand’s document talks of going for another armed rebellion in a long run with the help of rural peasants and urban working class, said leaders.

The party plans to take its activities in “semi-underground” manner forming parallel local bodies and paramilitary structure at the local level. “

The decisions of the meeting will be made public on Monday,” said CC member Sudip Malla, without divulging details. Khadga Bahadur Bishwokarma had last week told the Post that the party would also raise the demand of all-party conference, originally raised by the CPN-Maoist, for the timely promulgation of new constitution.

He said the party would not accept the constitution promulgated through the Constituent Assembly, ruling out suggestions that they were to indulge in underground activities immediately.

Baidya confirms Chand’s release On Saturday, CPN-Maoist Chairman Baidya officially confirmed that Chand had been released from the party.
 
At press conference in the Capital on Saturday, Baidya insisted that Chand had decided to “divorce” with the party for power instead of genuine ideological differences as the latter had claimed.

He said the Chand faction disassociated with the party after a failed “bargain” for the leadership.

See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/11/nepal-cpn-maoist-general-secretary.html


PRESS CONFERENCE

OF NETRA BIKRAM CHAND "BIPLAP"

First Draft Summary of speech

 Netra Bikram Chand  saying no instant armed struggle - unless attacked or suppressed.

Said that state must be overhauled, its admin, its army and judiciary.

If not then dual power would be revived.

Main enemies compradors and bourgeois capitalists - esp NC & UML.

Ready to struggle/sacrifice for national sovereignty.

Accused Cashist leaders of corruption.

Where was Rs 4 billion for ex-combatants? Said siphoned off by Dahal.

Also going to inform UN of reneging on CPA by the status quo. 




















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Ocalan, a 'fashion' capitulation




Abdullah Ocalan 

Source : Maoist Communist Party Italy and MFPR comrade

Below are excerpts of the speeches made by two Kurdish women, Havin Guneser, journalist and spokeswoman for the International Initiative “Freedom for Abdullah Ocalan - Peace for Kurdistan” and Dilar Dirik, researcher at the University of Cambridge, at a Conference held on 11th of October in Rome.

These speeches are important, as they explain well what are the analysis, politics  and principles behind the very advanced role and organization of Kurdish women and fighters who refer themselves to the PKK. The first speech, in particular, is a kind of “manifesto” of the thought that inspired the struggle of Kurdish women, expression of theories of Ocalan and PKK.

We must say that we consider these theories of Ocalan as democratic-libertarian, anti Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.

Therefore, given the deep respect we have towards the battle that the PKK is carrying forward and the vital role of women in this battle in all the sphere - military, political, ideological – in achieving on the field a new society (in Rojava) that puts at the centre not only ideally but practically, with concrete measures, the issues of women’s liberation, precisely this respect and solidarity cannot exempt us from expressing our deep, strategic, divergence with the analysis and theories of Ocalan and the representatives of the Kurdish fighters referring to him.

We can also understand – and our fraternal Maoist parties of Turkey / Kurdistan could specially help us to understand better – the historical grounds of these theories of Ocalan, related to the reality of Kurdistan, the colonial / feudal condition in which the people, and women in particular, have been forced, and the way in which during decades the clash for the liberation of the Kurdish people has developed.

Clearly, these are not trivial arguments, surely they can fascinate, especially the feminist, ecologist, libertarian, etc. movements. Therefore, they should not be criticized superficially.

At the same time, it seems that the practice, the heroic battle they are currently carrying forward in Kobane, as well as the construction of a new social order in Rojava, the application of the principle of freedom, the concrete measures to assert the delimitating and leading role of women, are, in all aspects, economic, political and ideological, much better and even different in practice from the theories of Ocalan. This is an important aspect.

But, again, the MLM Communists do not hide away, they say clearly that on which they agree and on which they do not. We, then, are Leninists, and with Lenin we know how is important the struggle / criticism of other trends, and that the assertion, in theory and in practice, of MLM is always in close connection with a work of distinction from other theories.

Finally, I want to stress positively the consistent relationship, that Kurdish comrades emphasized, between the movement / organization of women and the party. Here the organization of women is the result of the application of the line, the strategy, the understanding of the party of which the women comrades are determinant part. 

This “method”, in a non-trivial but Leninist sense, yes, is the method of MLM, and of our party in particular, of our understanding and practice of a new type of communist party, that we bring consistently in Italy and internationally, and we have to emphasize this in the women’s and feminist movement in Italy, in order to fight and criticize the anti-party ideas, strongly influential.

Here, we limit ourselves to briefly point out some issues - surely to be deepened.

Excerpts from the speeches (in italics):

Kurdish: “The aspirations of freedom of the Kurdish people, especially of Kurdish women ... paved the way to the fact that women had a great role. So, despite the fact that at the beginning the struggle of women within the PKK did not transcend the boundaries of the old left, it could not even be contained within them. Here the role of Ocalan is important both as a strategist and as political leader of the Kurdish movement. He did not ignore the slavery of women, nor their desire to fight for freedom. He opened political, social, cultural, ideological and organizational spaces for women, in spite of the backlash of a few men members of the organization. He did so with strong determination ...”

PCm: This clearly is a great merit of Ocalan, especially when taking into account the condition of strong feudal residuals, that had and have their more brutal expression against women.

Kurdish: “(but) soon problems emerged. To reach and join the revolutionary movement, was not enough to overcome, established features arising from colonial and feudal structures. Problems began to emerge, particularly in the approach towards women there, where there was an attempt to reproduce traditional roles within the guerrilla forces and the Party bodies. There were women who accepted to replicate these roles but also other women who refused...”

PCm: For us, for the MLM parties – which we call parties of a new type – for  the Maoist revolutionary communist women, this is not something new. We observed this in the people’s wars in Peru, Nepal, today in India. And the Maoists addressed this fact long time ago, in practice and in theory.

Mao Zedong, with Chang Ching, theorized the “revolution within the revolution”, that was grasped by women, particularly during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, to bring revolution in the superstructure and within the party and society. 

And It is the revolutionary People’s Republic of China that leads the women with “bound feet” to be the “other half of the sky” in all fields.

 It is during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that the issues of violence and oppression in the families, rapes, abortion, etc are addressed in an extremely modern way, even for today.

During the People’s Wars in Peru and later  in Nepal this struggle has been practiced and theorized.

While it was “discovering” the “revolutionary proletarian feminist movement”, our Party was inspired a lot by the theories and actions of PCP as well of CPN(M). 

The former communist Parvati well analyzed and explained in her writings why the “traditional roles in the guerrilla forces and the Party bodies” are reproduced and women member accept a lesser role in the Party, the People’s Army and the People’s War, and not only, she also developed a struggle that had led to deep transformations.

So, is the theoretical and practical weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and its creative application to today’s reality that, based also on an assessment of previous experiences, allows to put at a new height the issue of the role of women and the centrality within the party and in the revolutionary struggle of this ideological, political and practical struggle for a communist party of a new type and for an active assertion of the “revolution within revolution”, in India (where women are even more than 50% are leading the People’s War, the PLGA, etc.) as in our party, in Italy.

Kurdish: “Ocalan began speaking about a new concept: kill the ruling male. Since then, the liberation struggle of the women became more radical. They started talking about getting away from the ruling mentality of modernity, psychologically and culturally. But also spoke of a parallel project to transform males. At this aim, the education of men was made by women ...”

PCm: But, in this struggle, Ocalan departs from historical and dialectical materialism and approaches idealism. 

 The issue is not the social system, the ruling class, but the “ruling male”, operating an inversion between structure and superstructure; replacing the struggle against the system that produces the ruling ideas, with the struggle against the ruling ideas.

Kurdish: “The male became a system. The male has become the state and turned itself into the ruling culture. Class and gender oppression develop together; masculinity produced the ruling gender, the ruling class and the ruling state. If the male is analyzed in this framework, it is clear that male must be killed. In fact, kill the ruling male is the fundamental principle of socialism”.

PCm: We speak about intertwining of class oppression and gender. But, while saying that they develop together, Ocalan 'forgets' the class oppression. 

 Indeed, he does worse: the ideology (masculinity) produced the “ruling gender” and the State. 

 So the male, not the class, has become the state. Hence the conclusion is inescapable: we have to overthrow neither the state or the ruling capitalist system, but “kill the ruling male” ... and this is passed off as “the fundamental principle of socialism” 

 But what a kind of socialism?

Kurdish: “Despite the fact that the PKK was no longer the old left, it was unable to find a solution of complete breaking with real socialism and, then, with the capitalist modernity. We can say that the period 1993-2003 has been a phase of transition to build an alternative to capitalist modernity. 

 The theoretical material available, the past experiences of different other movements, feminism and the experience of the PKK itself led our movement to the conclusion that slavery of women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as of all social problems…”

PCm: The clear impression is that here Ocalan actually calls “real socialism” the power recovered and restored by the defeated bourgeoisie through a counter-revolution that overthrew socialism, which for a long time kept the name of ‘socialist’ country (in Russia, partially in Eastern Europe, in China). 

The only alternative to “capitalist modernity” (a not correct formulation, as it objectively puts the struggle on the field of the superstructure, the costume, almost religious) is socialism and, in countries oppressed by imperialism, the New Democracy as a stage towards socialism. 

Sure, in the experiences of the communist movement we saw serious mistakes, setbacks, but precisely these setbacks led the revolutionary China to not stop, to launch its assault on the heavens with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the sphere of the superstructure, where the ruling ideas of oppression persist, amongst which the ideas of submission of women are the tip of the iceberg.

But the summing-up, also painful, of these historical experiences should lead to seek new paths, that have nothing to do with the analyses of Ocalan, that inevitably lead into the arms of those who denigrate socialism.

Moving forward. It is fully idealism to say that “slavery of women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as all the social problems ...”, if this:

a) is not seen at the light of the historical process of humanity described by Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State where he explains how the first oppressed subject is the woman, and that the first division of labor was towards women;

  b) obscures the real cause of social problems: the private property, the exploitation, the contradiction capital-labour, the rule of imperialism.

Kurdish: “So he began to depart from the typical Marxist-Leninists. He was different in the way he began to see the state apparatus, as an instrument of power and exploitation, unnecessary for the continuation of human life and nature”.

PCm: Indeed, Ocalan departs from Marxism-Leninism and approaches democratic-libertarian theories. He denounces the ‘State’ in itself, not only the bourgeois state, the regimes lackeys of imperialism, but every state, so even the socialist state. As put by Marx and Lenin (State and Revolution) it is an absolute necessity, for a certain period – until communism, where there will be no need of State – in order to organize the structures of the new people’s power, to defend the new proletarian power and prevent the restoration by the defeated class, to begin the process to wipe out classes, class divisions and any residual form of social, cultural and ideological oppression, primarily the sexism against women, that will persist for a long time even after the revolution and implies an organized struggle and concrete measures that only a socialist state can implement.

Marx wrote: “And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them.. [...]What I did that was new was to prove: (1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the development of production, (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat (3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society”.
To Deny the socialist state is to deny the dictatorship of the proletariat and therefore the possibility of transition to communism, the “classless society”.

It is the dictatorship of the proletariat, enriched by the advanced experience of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that can ‘enhance’ the new role of women, giving the power and also taking measures to defeat the strong residual sexism that persists (in Italy, in the 70s, the most important Maoist trend - the PcmlI - at some point theorized a period of ‘feminine dictatorship’).

That said, we ask: what occurs in Rojava, the implemented practical and organizational measures that allow an equal role for women, is not the result of an organization of society, that we call State, that clearly is totally opposed to the bourgeois state or feudal / semi-feudal regimes, as it is based on people’s organizations, on standards and functioning criteria that enhance the organized participation of proletarians and masses?

Kurdish: “Thirdly also changed his concept of revolutionary violence and finally it was formulated as self-defense.”

PCm: This is definitely anti MLM. It can be said that Marx, Lenin and Mao, they all “eulogized” revolutionary violence as necessary to oppose and defeat the reactionary violence of imperialism and oppressors states. 

 In this sense, revolutionary violence is the only mean to realize a society without violence. In the 1st Volume of Capital Marx wrote: “The violence is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with a new one.” Mao Zedong said, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and “war can only be abolished through war.”

In fact, and fortunately, the Kurdish women and man fighters in Kobane are practicing “revolutionary violence” but, if unfortunately it was seen only as “self-defense” it would lead to the defeat, sooner or later.

Marx and Engels wrote that the Commune of Paris was defeated because was not been able to fully use the revolutionary violence.

Kurdish: “Ocalan stated that slavery of women have been perpetuated on three levels in the past five thousand years: first there is the ideological construction of slavery; then the use of force; finally the exclusion from the economy ...”.

PCm: Again, in his historical analysis, Ocalan uses idealism and not historical materialism, through a real reversal of the history itself, that shows how first there was the exclusion of women from the economy, relegating them to ‘‘the house economy”, then and the use of force and then the ideological slavery. Without the division of labour and private property there would be no basis for the ideological slavery.

Kurdish: “Without understanding how masculinity was socially formed, we can not analyze the state has been established and, therefore, we are not able to accurately define the culture of war and power related to the very being of a state. This is something that we emphasize because it is what paved the way for the femicide and the colonization and exploitation of peoples .... Capitalism and the nation-state are formed to represent the ruling male in its most institutionalized form. To put it briefly, capitalism and the nation-state are the monopoly of the tyrannical and exploiter male.”

PCm: Again a reversal. The “masculinity”, the “culture of war and of power” determine the state as a bourgeois dictatorship and not the inverse. So, if the state is the “ruling male” we do not have to smash the bourgeois state, just “kill the ruling male”. So, if capitalism is the “the monopoly of the tyrannical and exploiter male”, no need to overthrow capitalism, private property ... (Just put women at the head of capitalism? ... let the joke).

Unfortunately, we are in the full of idealism: it would be the “masculinity”, i.e. the ideology, that leads to the colonization, exploitation of peoples, femicides, not the capitalist imperialist system, that exploits, colonizes, plunders, suppresses and creates an increasingly barbaric humus that makes the femicide something considered “normal”. Then, consequently, there is not a big difference between the theories of Ocalan and those of “democratic” sections of bourgeoisie which say that the origin, the problem, where we have to especially intervene is the cultural sphere...

Instead, we think that the struggle against femicide and every aspect of women’s oppression has to go to and fight the systemic and structural grounds, and sharpen, at the same time, the struggle against every aspect of the bourgeois / feudal sexist ideology. 

 This shows  why oppression of women has not solution within this system, but also, at the same time, the opportunity to send to the graveyard of history these mortal ideologies, when the revolutionary struggle, the continuation of the revolution in every field will destroy the economic and political basis on which such ideologies hold on

Kurdish: “It depends on the fact the capitalistic economic and social form is not a historical necessity, it is a construction forged through a complex process. Religion and philosophy have been transformed into nationalism, the deity of the nation state. The main goal of this ideological war is to ensure the monopoly on thought. The main weapons to achieve it are the religious fundamentalism, the gender discrimination and scientism as a positivist religion”.

PCm: Ocalan gives up the historical analysis and relies on “myths”. The  "capitalistic economic and social form" was a historical necessity. Marx would turn in his grave, hearing the claims of Ocalan. 

 Indeed, Marx called the bourgeois society progressive compared to the feudal society and the slavery society, etc. Because Communism, he said, can not be a communist egalitarian distribution of poverty, but of social wealth, of the development of the productive forces that only capitalism could realize - of course up to a certain point, then capitalism itself becomes a constraint to the development of the productive forces and destroys them. 

 But, at the same time, capitalism gave birth to its “gravedigger”, and without this gravedigger, the united struggle of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples against capitalism and imperialism, there would be no socialism.

Everything else Ocalan says is true, unless you move completely away from the economical and material system that support or gives birth to religion, philosophy, etc; and as long as he completes the sentence “The main objective of this ideological war is to ensure its monopoly on thought” saying that the purpose of this “monopoly on thought” is the defence, the continuation of the capitalist social, economic system.

Kurdish: “Without ideological hegemony, only with the political and military oppression, it would be impossible for the modernity to hold on …”

PCm: On the one hand, this is true – being understood  that it is not scientific to speak of “modernity” – on the other hand, it would be an illusion to think that the fight should take place especially at the level of the ideological hegemony.

Kurdish: “In order to stop the perpetuation of capitalism and the concentration of power, as well as the reproduction of the hierarchy, it is necessary to create structures for a democratic, ecological, society, based on the gender liberation. It is an absolute necessity to achieve this dismantling of the power and hierarchy. This social system of democratic modernity is the Democratic confederalism and the Democratic Autonomy. This system is not an alternative form of the state, but an alternative to the state...”.

“Although is labelled as a ‘separatist organization’, the PKK has since a long gone beyond the concepts of state and nationalism, and now upholds an alternative path of liberation in the form of regional autonomy and self-government, the ‘democratic confederalism’, based on gender equality, ecology and democracy from below, put into practice through the people’s councils” ... “

PCm: We speak about ‘New Democratic State’, as a step towards socialism. But even accepting the social system put forward by Ocalan, once again, what is wrong is to say that it is an alternative to the state, a counter-state. We would say, it has good hopes but certainly would be crushed by imperialism and its regimes.

The ‘New Democratic State’ in the countries oppressed by imperialism, the ‘socialist state’ in the capitalist and imperialist countries, is not a “concept” (as also the bourgeois state is not a “concept”), but a historical necessity, abundantly proofed. Of course, it is based on the people’s structures, but builds a national structure, otherwise the restoration is always lurking.

Kurdish: “The PKK challenges patriarchy and practices the co-presidency, that equally shares the responsibility between a women and men, from the chair of the Party to the neighborhood councils, and implements 50/50 gender ratio at all levels of government. 

 These policies are mechanisms to ensure the representation of women in all spheres of life, councils, education, parties and cooperatives, as well as the deconstruction of patriarchy in the theory. 

They are aimed to give meaning to this representation ... Its laws aim to democratize family and eliminate gender discrimination. Men who use violence against women can not be part of the administration. 

 One of the first acts of the government was to outlaw forced marriages, domestic violence, honor killings, polygamy, marriages with girls, bride pricing and market of brides. The leadership of parties, municipalities, councils and committees are handled by a woman and a man, co-presidents who share the position...”.

PCm: As we said, the reality is better than the “theories”. What is occurring in Rojava (very good, but nothing new, just see what happened during the Cultural Revolution in China or, coming to more recent times, what occurred in the base areas in Nepal, before the betrayal of Prachanda, or what occurs in the guerrilla areas under the control of the People’s War in India) is the result of an organization. 

 You can also call state, but is statal, there is the a political power of the government that makes the laws; there is a structure of administration, there is a people’s army ...

 See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/10/democratic-modernity-era-of-womans.html
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