Pleasure of Staying at the Crossroads by Rishi Raj Baral

Democracy and Class Struggle publishes this important contribution of Comrade Rishi Raj Baral to the debate on the Nepalese Revolution and the two line struggle.

Democracy and Class Struggle  draws a distinction between those who supported the peace agreement and those who did not like RCPUSA and CPI(Maoist).

Democracy and Class Struggle like the UCPN M supported the peace process and still does. Our problem is that Prachanda and Bhattarai have undermined that process by making concessions which party policy is clearly against and only the Kiran/Badal forces can rectify the peace process by going forward on the original peace process terms and not the Prachanda Bhattarai concessions which have done great harm.

The recent article by Comrade Dev Gurung  makes it clear what the party line was on the peace agreement and how Prachanda and Bhattarai have turned the party line into its opposite ie liquidationism.

Democracy and Class Struggle calls for rectification of the party, Comrade Rishi Raj Baral calls for restructuring of the Party.

The next party central committee meeting has to confront  Prachanda/Bhattarai  revisionism on the questions of Army Integration, The Constitution and The Madesh which have undermined the peace process.

Comrade Rishi Raj Baral says there is no staying at the crossroads.

Democracy and Class Struggle says wrong decisions will be judged harshly by history, rectification of the Nepalese Party is overdue.


From Marx to Mao we have a lot of writings about two line struggle. What is two line struggle? What are the differences between inner party struggle, two line struggle and class struggle ?

Is there any difference between two line struggle and 'differences in tendencies' ?

These are the questions to be answered now. Since last four years, especially after Kharipati (2008) meeting, we are talking about –'sharpening of the two line struggle within UCPN(Maoist)'. A lot has been written about this. Before Palungtar extended meeting comrade Gaurav wrote a long article about two line struggle in Samayabaddha, an ideological magazine in Nepali language.

Now Comrade Basanta has written another article entitled 'Two-Line Struggle in the International Communist Movement'. But the questions are unanswered yet. What will be the next step of 'Revolutionary Camp'? Comrade Basanta's article also is not clear in this aspect.

It is crystal clear that Prachanda and Babu Ram Bhattarai have betrayed the revolution and they are turned into the true servant of American imperialism and Indian expansionism. The 4pt deal with Madheshi Morcha is the clear evidence of their anti-national and counter revolutionary attitudes. Prachanda and Babu Ram Bhattarai are doing one after another anti-national and anti-revolutionary decisions and the members of 'Revolutionary Camp' repeatedly asking them to correct the 4pt deal, for their participation in the government. What a fun!

It is not the question of joining the government or not. Decisions must be done on the basis of ideological and political stand. Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai have proven themselves as the true treacherous of 21st century and they must be penalized.

But it is a matter to be worried that Baidhya faction is still in the position of wait and see. It seems that they are still looking towards Prachanda's transformation-transformation of Khrushchev into Lenin. Revolutionary cadres want concrete solution of the problem in practice. We must have a new step: that is, 'restructuring' the party organization.

Questions are raising: Is there really running two line struggle within UCPN( Maoist)?

Long before RCP(America ) and CPI (Maoist) had made clear about the ideological deviation of UCPN(Maoist). These documents are available also in Nepalese language. Last year RCP(America ) raised the question that in the name of two line struggle Baidhya faction also is practicing new type of eclecticism. 'On the Critical Crossroads in the Nepal Revolution, and the Urgent Need for a Real Rupture with Revisionism' (Revolution : 200, April 22, 2010) and ' Save the Revolution' by KJA ( first published in Samayabaddha (2010) magazine and it is available also in The Next Front) have openly raised the question on this issue.

Now the Maoist party of Colombia ( The Revisionist Traitors in Nepal Still in the Service of the Reactionary State) and France (Line, tendency, fraction and the question of Nepal)have raised the questions regarding the two line struggle within UCPN(Maoist). In their opinion, there is no any two line struggle within UCPN (Maoist), there is only 'differences of tendencies'. It is the question to note. Concerning the issue of two line struggle within UCPN(Maoist), now we have a large number of articles from the Maoist organizations and supporters of Nepalese revolution.

These days, a faction of revolutionary Maoists inside the country and abroad are raising a question: actually, is there any two line struggle within UCPN(Maoist) ?

Or that is only the struggle between the various tendencies running within UCPN (Maoist)?

It is known to all that a political line is not the expression of a tactical problem, but it is a question of strategic significance. It is a matter of irony that bargaining for ministers and high post also are defined as the two line struggle. Instead of Marxism some of our 'leaders' are exercising–Post-Modernist attitudes of 'inclusive' 'exclusive' and marginalized community etc. We cannot reduce the significance of two line struggle in such INGO type of activities. The oppressed community gender, caste, and region must be addressed, but the major question is proletariat outlook and class struggle.

We know that, the two line struggle within the party is the reflection of the class struggle outside. Hence, two line struggle means struggle between two opposite class outlooks- proletariat and the bourgeoisie. In fact, it is a struggle between bourgeoisie and the proletariat headquarters. Now we have the question how the party of proletariat can exist in the party of bourgeoisie ?

Baidhya faction is doing the work in the concept of 'Party within Party'. But we must be clear that 'Party within Party' means 'Faction within Faction'. Ambiguous working style must be abandoned. It needs transparency. Likewise empiricism, factionalism, regionalism and biased attitudes are the true enemies of unified effort. How can we fight against the revisionists and reactionaries without a strong unity within the faction? I don't want to explain it more. But Baidhya and Badal must be watchful on this type of activities. It is the matter to be checked in time.

In my opinion, the concept of 'Party within Party' is just an exercise of liquidation. Staying at the crossroads from long time means to harm oneself. It is not the correct way to fight against the revisionists and reactionaries. It does not lead the revolution a head.

As I mentioned above, restructuring the party is one and the only way to move forward. Restructuring the party means to break relation with revisionism-to overthrow the revisionists, who are in exercise of party liquidation . This is the scientific way of restructuring the party. Now the time has come to perform strong will power and conscious effort. First of all we must have a strong unity among the revolutionaries. Then we have to form a joint front to fight against the anti -national and anti-revolutionary elements. It only leads us in the way to national liberation and People's Democracy.

New Democracy not possible says Prachanda

CHITWAN, Oct 15: UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Prachanda has for the first time admitted before the Maoist cadres that the establishment of new-democracy in the country is not possible.

“Things have undergone a sea change since the launch of the people´s war in 1996. We therefore have to adopt the policy of peace and constitution as per the changed context,”

a participant quoted Prachanda has telling the cadres loyal to him at a closed door gathering at Global Hotel, Bharatpur, Chitwan.

“If any of the comrades refuse to acknowledge this reality and insist on going for a revolt, they may choose to quit the party.”

Earlier, Prachanda had described the party´s current policy just as a tactical line in the fight for further achievements. In the past, he had assured the cadres that the party would establish a new democracy in the long run. 

Only party´s Vice-chairman Dr Baburam Bhattarai had been saying that the establishment of new democracy wasn´t possible under the present circumstances. Bhattarai had advocated for economic revolution to pave the way for socialism. Prachanda's  latest remarks have made it clear that he has now accepted Bhattari´s policy.

Democracy and Class Struggle  source for this report is Republica a source we do not trust but the comments of Prachanda reported are consistent with his political line.

“I believe that the party should not split. But this is a different context. There is no point staying in unity while putting the nationality at peril,” said Thapa.

BAGLUNG, OCT 20 - UCPN (Maoist) General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa has said that the identity of the country cannot be put at stake in the name of keeping the party unity intact. Thapa alleged that old parties of the country along with a section of his party (Maoist) have been working under the direction of India.

Thapa remarked that the twin tasks of peace process and constitution drafting could not be completed due to submissive attitude of the political parties towards India while hollering the slogans of nationality in pretension.

“I believe that the party should not split. But this is a different context. There is no point staying in unity while putting the nationality at peril,” said Thapa.

Thapa made such remark on the very day Prime Mminister and his party Vice Chairman Baburam Bhattarai embarked on an offical visit to India. Thapa said PM Bhattarai , who is trying to defend the minister who gave anti-national statements, is afraid to raise his voice against the interferene of India. He urged PM Bhattarai not to sign any treaty that might have a long-term effect on the country. He also urged Bhattarai to request India to stop meddling in Nepal’s internal affairs.

Thapa is currently in Baglung to take part in a programme organised by the hard-line faction of the party led by Vice Chairman Mohan Baidya.

Prominent leaders including Netra Bikram Chand, Hitman Shakya, Santosh Buda Magar and Amrit Thapa were present in the programme.

Chairman Prachanda aka Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s faction has decided to formally boycott the programme with a written application. “This programme is against the pact, which states that there would be no formal programmes before the next Central Committee meeting. Hence, we have decided to boycott it,” said District Co-in charge Dhan Prasad Sapkota.

However, General Secretary Thapa said the formal programme was organised after Chairman Prachanda  breaches the understanding by organising separate programme in Chitwan and Pokhara.

“We cannot enter the Central Committee meeting without proper trainings and sharing of ideologies. We need to consider all the ideologies and mould it into one in the Central Committee,” said Thapa.

International Meeting in Paris "From the Arab Uprising to the New Democratic Revolution, marching towards Socialism and Communism"

The internationalist meeting "From the Arab uprising to the new democratic revolution, marching towards socialism and communism", convened by the maoist Communist Party – Italy and the maoist Communist Party of France, was held with a good success, with participation and intervention of parties, organizations and comrades from Italy, France (PCm-F, Coup sur Coup, Voie Proletarienne, Anti-Imperialist Committee, Committee George Ibrahim Abdallha), Morocco, Tunisia, Philippines, Indonesia, Turkey, Canada, England, Holland, with messages from Nepal , Galicia-Spanish State, Palestine, Austria, and with the support of Peru and Turkey.

The meeting has been opened by a speech that explained the nature of working and militant discussion, internationalist unity, of the meeting itself. Followed the reading document sent to the meeting by two Tunisian Maoist organizations, and a wide intervention of the comrade of Morocco. Then followed the speeches of the maoist Communist Party of France and the maoist Communist Party- Italy.

After these speeches, the debate has been open, with the intervention of the comrades of 'Coup sur coup' from Toulouse, the Anti-Imperialist Committee of France, the comrade of Morocco on the particular situation of the Maoist political prisoners in Morocco, and a text of George Ibrahim Abdallha has been read.

Then followed the intervention of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Then followed another phase of the debate, in which participated comrades from Indonesia, France, and comrades supporting the “New Synthesis” of Bob Avakian on the influence of Islam among masses and how to treat this contradiction from the point of view of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, in the Arab world and other countries in the world, and how to address the question of the Islamic fundamentalist forces.

All the comrades intervened argued that we have respect the religious feelings of the masses, we need to build communist parties on a solid materialist dialectic base and to fight Islamic fundamentalist forces as reactionary forces which are against liberation of peoples.

After this interesting debate, on behalf of the organizers, the PCm Italy explained the resolutions, initiatives, and proposals that the meeting launches.

First of all, it has been announced that all the speeches, documents and messages will be published, in French and so many languages as possible, by this year, in a special issue of 'Maoist Road' to allow all the comrades attending and all the communist movement to read analysis, discussion, positions and treatment of problems, and to continue in all forms this militant debate, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and with the method of unity-struggle-unity.

Then were announced three major initiatives:

First. An international day of solidarity with Maoist political prisoners in Morocco, to be held in so many countries in the world and in all forms as possible.

Second. A Maoist call for a meeting in Tunisia in the spring of 2012 at which delegates from different countries can participate.

Third. A statement, to be spread among the working class and proletarian masses in the imperialist countries everywhere is possible, to support the workers' struggles in Egypt and independent trade unions that organize and lead them against the new military-Muslim regime that tries to stifle and deny the right to strike.

Proposals were accepted by the meeting, which ended with the singing of the International and the slogan:

Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long Live the proletarian internationalism

Long Live the uprisings of the Arab masses for the New Democratic Revolution, socialism and communism

PCm-Italy, PCm of France
16.10.11

Greek Battlefield - Today on the Streets of Athens

Greek anger over new austerity measures and layoffs erupted into violence outside parliament on Wednesday, as demonstrators hurled chunks of marble and gasoline bombs and riot police responded with tear gas and stun grenades that echoed across Athens' main square.

Police said at least 14 officers were hospitalised with injuries, and at least three journalists covering the demonstrations sustained minor injuries. The violence spread across the city centre, as at least 100-thousand people marched through the Greek capital on the first day of a two-day general strike that unions described as the largest protest in years.

Most of the protesters marched peacefully, but crowds outside of parliament clashed with police who tried to disperse them with repeated rounds of tear gas. Hundreds of rioting youths smashed and looted stores in central Athens on Wednesday after the mass anti-government rally against the new painful austerity measures. Police and rioters held running battles through the narrow streets of central Athens, as thick black smoke from burning rubbish and bus-stops set ablaze filled the city's skyline and obscured its ancient monuments.

A gasoline bomb set fire to a presidential guard sentry post at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier outside Parliament, while running clashes broke out in several side streets near the legislature and the capital's main Syntagma Square. Nearby, groups of hooded, masked protesters tore chunks of marble off building fronts with hammers and crowbars and smashed windows and bank signs. Scuffles also broke out among rioters and demonstrators trying to prevent youths from destroying storefronts along the march route.

Source RT

Voices of the Occupy London Stock Exchange

Last Call to Governor Brown of California - 160,000 Calls by 19th October 2011 - Support The Prison Hunger Strikers

Democracy and Class Struggle says start telephoning now ! Occupy Wall Street brothers and sisters support the hunger strike prisoners - the prison struggle is part of the class struggle against Wall Street. Link the struggles create the dialectic of success.

With the hunger strike reaching its third week, the medical conditions of hunger strikers are getting worse by the day. We need to work together to effectively pressure CA Governor Jerry Brown to intervene in the CDCR’s handling of the strike. It’s up to us to make sure the prisoners’ five core demands are implemented immediately and in good faith.

Prisoner Hunger Strike Solidarity is calling for a massive flood of phone calls to Governor Jerry Brown. Help us make 160,000 phone calls to Governor Jerry Brown by Wednesday October 19th!

We know this is an ambitious goal, and we need your help forwarding this call out to everyone you know! Please let us know if you can organize a community call-in event near you and we will publicize it on this website. Email us at prisonerhungerstrikesolidarity[at]wordpress.com

Support the Prisoners in Winning their Demands!

Solidarity with ALL Prisoners!

160,000 Calls to Governor Jerry Brown!

Governor Brown’s Office: (916) 445-2841

Sample Script:

“Hi my name is _________. I’m calling about the statewide prisoner hunger strike that resumed on Sept 26th. I support the prisoners & their reasonable “five core demands.” I am alarmed by the CDCR’s refusal to implement these demands and by your refusal to intervene as the hunger strikers’ medical conditions are rapidly deteriorating. I urge you to make sure the demands are implemented for all SHU-status prisoners in CA immediately and in good faith before anyone dies. I also urge you to lift the CDCR’s ban on lawyers from the prisoners’ mediation team, and ensure the CDCR ceases all retaliation on the hunger strikers. Thank you.”

Why 160,000?

The US imprisons more than 2.5 million people in prisons, jails, juvenile facilities & detention centers, far more than any other country. California imprisons 160,000 of those people in its state prison system alone. Solitary confinement is a key piece of this gigantic crisis. Conditions in California’s Security Housing Units & Administrative Segregation show just how brutal and inhumane the system is at its core.

For Updates :
http://prisonerhungerstrikesolidarity.wordpress.com/

As prisoners throughout California continue their struggle for human rights and against torture, we must keep up the pressure on Governor Jerry Brown and the CDCR as the 5 core demands have only been minimally addressed We will continue to post updates as we get them.

A recent letter from a hunger striker stated:

“A caged man is a spirit trapped in steel — leave him alone and his
spirit becomes one with his cage — it’s all he knows. Motivate him,
nurture and socialize him, and his spirit soars. It’s only then that the
man realizes the difference between him and his cage — the reasons for
it. Thus, allowing him to finally be free from it.”

Lowkey - Hand on Your Gun

Lumpenproletariat, Riots and Revolution by Harry Powell

Democracy and Class Struggle is pleased to publish Comrade Harry's article on the Lumpenproletariat, Riots and Revolution.

Publication does not mean that the views of Democracy and Class Struggle are the same as Comrade Harry.

My commentary on the August urban disturbances in Britain attracted some responses with respect to the role of the lumpenproletariat. I suggested that criminal, lumpenproletarian elements were prominent in the rioting. The subsequent court appearances of persons arrested reveal that the great majority are people with previous criminal convictions. We need to examine the question of the lumpenproletariat more closely.

WHO ARE THE LUMPENPROLETARIAT?

The concept comes from Marx and Engels. In his The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon Marx famously accuses Louis Bonaparte of mobilizing the lumpenproletariat in pursuit of his reactionary aims. He refers to the lumpenproletariat (“ragged” proletariat) as:

“ … decayed roués with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, vagabonds (vagrants), discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni (scoundrels), pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, maquereaus (pimps), brothel keepers, porters, literati (men of letters), organ-grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French term la boheme;”.

He calls these people “this scum, offal, refuse of all classes”. Strong stuff!

Two things are immediately obvious:

1.This is a highly heterogenous category in terms of its members’ positions in the relations of production and in the ideological superstructure.

2.It is a very negative, moralistic, description.

Some of the above people are self-employed, members of the semi-proletariat; porters, organ-grinders, rag pickers, knife grinders and tinkers. Their economic position was precarious so at times some of them would spend periods as wage labourers and would be tempted to engage in petty thieving. In Britain and similar countries today there are many such semi-proletarians and they are concentrated in the deprived, “inner city” areas. They include asylum seekers and illegal immigrants whose legal position bars them from regular paid employment and so they have to hustle by street trading and casual, off the books, employment. Given their objective position, these people are potentially open to revolutionary ideas and actions.

Among others mentioned are vagabonds (vagrants), discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, mountebanks (includes mentally disturbed people) and beggars. These are people who have fallen out of and been thrown out of society, existing on the fringes of society, the drop-outs. They are a very recognizable category in Britain today. We encounter homeless people, former soldiers and prisoners begging. Quite often such people have mental problems and are heavily into drink and drugs. Their numbers are increasing as a result of rising unemployment and Government cuts in funding for state and voluntary services trying to help such people. These people are so downtrodden and screwed up that they do not really have the capacity for sustained political action.

Then there are the criminal elements: swindlers, lazzaroni (scoundrels), pickpockets, tricksters (con men), gamblers, maquereaus (pimps), brothel keepers. These certainly exist in poor, deprived urban areas in Britain . These people oppress and exploit the poor semi-proletariat and the drop-outs. They are definitely an enemy of the people at large.

Finally there are the literati (men of letters). Marx also uses the term la boheme (bohemians) to refer to all the types he mentions. More typically and specifically this term describes people consciously pursuing alternative life styles, particularly ones with some artistic content. In some deprived areas in Britain today there are clusters of such people. Some of them are educated people who have failed to establish themselves in regular, secure employment. Many get by on state welfare benefits. They tend to reject and be hostile to the bourgeois social order and some of them do embrace radical and revolutionary perspectives. Indeed, in so far as there is any visible oppositional political presence in these areas it consists of people from this category. Many of these people are of middle strata origin and so could be said to be “adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie”.

These different sections of what Marx calls the proletariat are not hermetically sealed from each other. Individuals may move between the groups. For example unemployed casual workers may engage in some petty crime such as burglary. Some of the bohemians can end up as homeless beggars as a result of excessive use of drink and drugs or themselves become drug dealers to fund their habit. Even so the elements Marx identified as lumpenproletarian are significantly different from each other and it can be questioned just how useful the term lumpenproletariat is for rigorous analysis of the revolutionary potentialities of these different people.

Interview with Comrade Dev Gurung of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Democracy and Class Struggle is pleased to make available this interview of Dev Gurung has it brings clarity to the two line struggle in Nepal. Please circulate this interview widely.

Interview

1. Would you please mention in brief the present political situation of Nepalese revolution?

Nepalese revolution at present is at a serious crossroads of revolution and counter-revolution. Nepal is in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition. Feudalism had developed since 250 years before and semi-colonial oppression has been carried on upon Nepal ever since the signing of Sugauli Treaty with East India Company in 1816. Monarchy had provided traditional leadership to feudalism and the monopoly, comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie, protected by Indian expansionism, has been leading the semi-colonial condition.

As a result of 10 years' long Maoist people's war and other anti monarchical mass movements, monarchy had been brought to an end in 2008. It resulted in the weakening of political power of feudalism to a certain extent. But on the other, the monopoly and bureaucratic-comprador bourgeoisie and their representatives, protected by Indian expansionism, strengthened further. After the Indian expansionist forces strengthened their monopoly in the state power, Nepal has been swiftly leading towards neo-colonisation politically and economically. In such a situation the question of National independence has become serious.

Paying attention to this very situation, the political resolution adopted in the expanded meeting held one year before of our party concluded that the end of monarchy and the establishment of republic had brought about a change in the principal contradiction that existed between monarchy and Nepalese people before. It was agreed that the contradiction between monopoly capitalists and the agents of Indian expansionism on the one hand and Nepalese people on the other was the principal contradiction. In such a situation, the expanded meeting adopted the policy of building united front among those forces which are prepared to go against the comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie protected by Indian expansionism. The line of armed people's insurrection was adopted as the main form of struggle but tactically a policy was taken up to use struggle in the street, legislature and the government by making first one to be principal.

But, some of our comrades went against this in practice. In fact they abandoned the tactic of People's Federal Republic but stuck in democratic republic in practice. They adopted a policy of keeping the patriotic and revolutionary forces aside but bringing in pro-Indian expansionist forces in the united front. As a result of this, our party is not moving towards establishing People's Federal Republic but is being trapped in status quo and reformist line of bourgeois democracy. Today, parliamentarian, status quo and the national capitulationist forces have been dominant in the Nepalese state power. The leftist, patriotic and revolutionary forces are becoming defensive. Leftists have about two-third majority in the Constituent Assembly in which Maoists have more than a half. Even then, the patriotic and revolutionary forces are in defensive condition. In every party, national capitulationist forces are in a dominant position, so the national sovereignty of Nepal is in a serious threat. The struggle for national sovereignty is taking a principal form.

2. What do you say about the recent handing over of the containers' key of the PLA? Has the danger of disarming the PLA increased?

It is a suicidal step for the Nepalese communist movement. Because, handing over of the keys is a step to disarm the PLA. Not only had our party never taken a decision to disarm the PLA, it had not even imagined.

The comprehensive peace agreement and the interim constitution have stated about army integration, but never and nowhere has been the disarmament of PLA talked of. The agreement which was reached between CPN (Maoist) and the Government of Nepal in 2006 was an agreement reached between two sides both of which were in win-win position. In other words, the agreement was not reached as to disarm, demobilize, decamp and rehabilitate (DDDR) to the defeated force. Though the term was not used, it is clear that the agreement was reached with a concept of security sector restructure (SSR).

In the interim constitution it is said that Nepali army will be of democratic structure, national character and inclusiveness. So, it is presumed that the army integration will be carried out between two forces in the unit-wise basis and combatant form. However, against such constitutional provision, party leadership and the Prime Minister, by secretly gathering some commanders from the cantonments unilaterally instructed to handover containers' keys. Even the government special committee has not taken any decision to hand over or receive keys. But, when the commanders sought to handover keys, government officials in the cantonments receipted them.

From all this, it seems that the leadership is working to disarm the PLA by surrendering arms and then dissolve the PLA. Even now, the leadership is emphasizing to unilaterally surrender arms, dissolve PLA by disarming them and recruit them as civilians under Nepal army's chain of command as non-combatant force.

Party leadership and the Prime Minister seem prepared to regroup (separate those to be integrated and rehabilitated) the PLA, handover the entire arms to the special committee and protect those arms by Nepal army or Armed Police. And also home work is going on to keep the separated groups of the PLA under the protection of Nepal Police and make senior PLA commanders retire voluntarily.

This kind of thinking is not class reconciliation and reformism only but it is class capitulationism. In the situation when the main form of struggle has become national liberation movement, disarmament and dissolution of the PLA, which is trained with patriotic and revolutionary ideology, is to follow the path of national capitulation. Even some bourgeoisie are patriots. But, it seems to be the culmination of national capitulation from the leaders of the communist movement who have even lagged behind the national feeling of the bourgeoisie.