Informal meeting of Nepal Army Generals threatens Democracy in Nepal

KATHMANDU, May 3 (Xinhua) -- An informal meeting of the army generals at the Nepal Army (NA) Headquarters in capital Kathmandu on Sunday afternoon decided to keep all of its divisions on high alert.

The decision came after the government decided to sack the Chief of the Army Staff (CoAS) Rookmangud Katawal on Sunday.

Quoting its source, the local news website THT online reported that CoAS Katawal informed the army generals that he refused to accept the retirement letter.

Meanwhile, Nepali Ministry for Home Affairs has asked the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force to stay on high alert after the main opposition party Nepal Congress (NC) affiliated student's union Nepal Student Union (NSU) cadres clashed with United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (UCPN-M) cadres in the Capital.

The main towns of the capital has already turned unrest following the government's decision to sack Chief of the Army Staff (CoAS) Rookmangud Katawal on Sunday.

The clash was occurred while NSU took to the streets to protest the government's decision while UCPN-M cadres staged rallies to support the government move.

Khadka new acting chief of army staff (CoAS)

Picture Kul Bahadur Khadka

The government has sacked Rookmangad Katawal from the post of Chief of Army Staff and appointed second-in-command Kul Bahadur Khadka as the acting CoAS.

An emergency cabinet meeting Sunday morning took the decision. Minister for Information and Communication and government spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara informed journalists about the decision after the meeting.

Chief of the Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal sacked on Sunday

Picture Krishna Bahadur Mahara

Immediately following the cabinet's decision, PM Dahal had telephoned the President and informed him that government has sacked Katawal. Furthermore he said that MJF had supported the government decision and even requested the President Yadav's help to avert "possible accidents" that the country may have to face owing to the decision.

KATHMANDU, May 3 (Xinhua) -- Nepali government has decided to sack Chief of the Army Staff (CoAS) Rookmangud Katawal, a governmental spokesperson said Sunday.

Nepali Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara speaks with media after a cabinet meeting in Kathmandu, capital of Nepal, May 3, 2009. The UCPN-maoist-led Nepali government sacked Chief of the Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal on Sunday, Nepal government spokesman Krishna Bahadur Mahara said.

Nepali Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara, also the spokesperson of the Nepali government, made the announcement to the media people at Prime Minister Prachanda's official residence in Nepali capital Kathmandu after a cabinet meeting.

Earlier, other coalition parties, disagreeing with the stance of the ruling party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)(UCPN-M), boycotted the decision and the cabinet meeting.

According to local news website THT Online, UCPN-M's largest coalition partner in the government, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML), the Communist Party of Nepal (United) and Sadbhawana Party boycotted the cabinet meeting while Madhesi People's Rights Forum wrote a note of dissent.

However, Mahara claimed that all ruling political parties except the CPN-UML supported the government decision.

Minister Mahara is also a senior leader of the UCPN-M.

Mahara also declared that the government has appointed second-in-command Kul Bahadur Khadka as the acting CoAS.

Nepali Prime Minister Prachanda met with Katawal and Kul Bahadur Khadka separately first, then jointly, on Sunday morning before the cabinet meeting.

Prime Minister Prachanda has gone to meet President Ram Baran Yadav with the cabinet decision. The decision will come into effect only after the approval of the President.

Local news website Nepalnews.com reported that UCPN-M's largest coalition partner in the government, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML) and the main opposition Nepali Congress, the second largest party in the CA have initiated exercise to make a new coalition.

A standing committee meeting of the CPN-UML has begun on Sunday in party headquarters in Kathmandu to discuss the party's strategy in the latest political developments.

Nepali Congress has called an all-party meeting on Sunday afternoon.

The Defense Ministry, led by another senior leader of the UCPN-M Ram Bahadur Thapa, seeking clarifications from Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal on April 20 -- accusing him of defying a series of government orders -- has invited flaks from different quarters.

The UCPN-M emerged from the Constituent Assembly elections in April 2008 as the single largest party and led the formation of the first republic government in August 2008.

Ahead of that, the formerly Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) led by Prachanda signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord with the then government in November, 2006, ending the decade civil war in Nepal.

Democracy and Class Struggle welcomes the decision to remove Rookmangud Katawal as Chief of the Army Staff.

We have reported on this site that even Time Magazine reported that Rookmangud Katawal was taunting the government and persistently defying the authority of the democratically elected government.

Those that oppose this move are tied to an elitist conception of democracy which has passed it sell by date because civilian supremacy in Nepal is essential to its further democratic development.

Nepal will thank Prachanda for having the courage to face down these military bullies of a new democracy.

Report from the Nepalese Revolution by Stephan David Maudlin

Here is Stephen David Maudlins Badiouist take on the Nepalese Maoists - he has a different perspective from conventional Maoist communists just has Badiou does on 20th Century Communism but one that is in intellectual sympathy with the struggle of Nepalese Maoists.

I continue to point to a gap in the number of interpretations of the theory and practice of the Maobadi in present conditions in Nepal. I think these interpretations run the gamut between two camps of belief. One pre-supposition is that the Maobadi are fostering what will be a liberal federal republican constitution endorsed by referendum; that there is to be a multiplicity of previously disadvantaged groups who will have the unencumbered power to form the New Nepal - a newly formed government not dictated to by the Maobadi but protected by them from imperialist and feudal exploitation. The opposite pole of the continuum pre-supposes the Maobadi are intent on capturing state power and imposing totalitarian order, imposing on the multiplicity of groups not what that democratic government might do but what the Maobadi and their international friends want that government to do. I support a viewpoint that bridges a gap between these two general systems of belief, a viewpoint that re-affirms the intentions of the Maobadi to enable a New Nepal strictly under the power of its people.

I am going to follow a certain strategy in arguing a line that goes counter to both the prevailing poles of thought. The various parties and factions, and individuals within those parties and factions, are describing the same basic facts. How they describe them reveals the nature and extent each adheres to one of the general beliefs about the Maobadi. I will suggest another way of looking at current events that indicates the Maobadi tactics adhere to a strategy of fostering the power of the people. At the same time however, there is still a big question in my mind about the revolutionary intent of the people other than the PLA or party activists. Is there enough revolutionary intent in enough revolutionary subjects to be sufficient to actualize the communist hypothesis?

Complications in the Maobadi Camp

The pro- Maobadi support Prachanda. He is in a difficult position between maintaining support from a multiplicity of factions, while cultivating international support and at the same time satisfying the more aggressive agenda of some of the other leaders of the UCPN(M). As one of the local writers, Maila Baje in the Peoples Review put it, Prachanda "sits atop a creepy coalition". The UML uses every struggle between the Maoist Party and any other party or group to negotiate an increase in their own power. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) exerts pressure for decisions that favor their regional agenda. Prachanda's pressures in-house have been from Defense Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa aggressively pushing for the army integration with tactics like firing Katawal, from Babaram Bhattarai's unbridled tirades against the reactionaries; and from within the Party hierarchy but outside government, the influence of C.P. Gajurel and Mohan Baidya supporting closer ties with China and a more aggressive line for taking state power. The maverick Matrika Yadav and his re-formed CPN (M) meanwhile claims Prachanda is more interested in his international relations than in the needs of the Nepali people.

Indian and Chinese Influence on the Maobadi

Ties with China and with India complicate any rapid progress in writing the constitution. Matrika Yadav visited China before his formal break with UCPN (M). MJF leader Upendra Yadav, also Foreign Minister was hosted by the Chinese who pledged support for the MJF. UML Chairman Jhal Nath Kanal is in Beijing as we speak. Prachanda is set for a forthcoming visit during which it is beginning to be touted he will sign a Peace and Friendship Treaty with the Chinese. At the same time, ties with the Indians are rooted in the support they gave to forming the Seven-Party Coalition and paving the way to the current Maoist leadership of the government. If the Indians withdraw endorsement of the 12-Point Agreement this undermines the peace process significantly and even the Royalists get back in the picture.

The relationship with the Indians deeply involves the relationship of the National Congress with the Indians. It was through the efforts of NC President Girija Prasad Koirala that negotiations between the parties in New Delhi were made possible. Now that the Maoists are beginning to stall in the process of integrating the Army and have been unable to effectively govern as yet or move the agenda for writing the constitution (for all the reasons above), the NC and the UML united as a political class have begun plotting an alternative government while understanding prospects for regaining control of the government may be impossible given the Maoists own the republican agenda. Meanwhile, the Indian influence on and relationship with the NC employs the NC in pushing for a revised and updated treaty with India before Prachanda goes to China.

The Maobadi as Evil

The belief that the Maoist intention is to smash the state and take over state power results in the Maoists being painted evil in every instance by those who believe this would be a catastrophe. Whether it is believed evil or tactical the fact is the Maoists have a long history of means being justified by ends. They had a cooperative relationship with the Crown by which in part they ended the monarchy. The insurgency from the beginning was fueled by the Maoists parlaying anti-Indian sentiment into support and yet it was to the Indians they turned to broker the 12-Point Agreement. The Maoists have previously pointedly criticized Chinese "communism" and now Prachanda holds the Chinese card in his hand to see what renegotiation of the 1950 agreement with India might be placed on the table.

Some put forth the argument, and it makes sense, that the NC even with the partnership of the UML would have an even far more difficult time trying to govern. Among the Maoists is the assertion that even if the UML left the government to join NC opposition then Maoist government would simply continue as a minority government. Or worse as far as the NC is concerned, the Maoists leave the government. There is some irony in that the NC assertions the Maoists want to smash the state and take unilateral state power results in their not putting anymore pressure on the Maoists than necessary. They believe pushing them too much into a corner could result in what they want to avoid most - better to keep the Maoists failing in place till the time is ripe to appeal to the voters. Insurrection is only one side of the Maobadi sword; the other would be abandonment and insurrection.

I have pointed out the several conditions that severely curtail the Maoist led government from functioning (they haven't even been able to organize spending of available funds on relieving the problems of the people let alone make sufficient progress with the CA). What they have accomplished has been gained through assertive moves that are interpreted by the opposition as unilateral exercise of authority. They insist they essentially have veto power on the new constitution based on the numbers. They are installing only Maoist supporters throughout the state organization. They are working very hard to promote an understanding and allegiance to the revolution. Perhaps most threatening to those who disbelieve in the revolution is that the Maobadi are always ready to exchange peaceful development towards their goal for war if necessary. Not just the PLA but also the YCL and the members of the many unions stand ready to launch an urban revolt along with a remobilization of bases in the hills.

The Maobadi make a clear claim, from the beginning to end, that the ultimate goal is to exercise a dictatorship of the proletariat and eventually have a communist society with no class division controlling the state, which is to be an administrative entity for carrying out of peoples will (and so not a state in the proper sense). This objective is proclaimed to be a totalitarian intention by the reactionaries who point to unbridled violence among the cadre and corruption in the Maobadi led government as evidence of what will be. The business community says they are still giving "donations" to the Maoists. The press reports intimidation by the Maoists. Detractors insist the Maobadi claim to ensure civilian supremacy over the army is just an excuse to take the NA out of play in obtaining full state power, not for the people but for the Maobadi. Widespread criticism of Home Minister Gautum has emerged inasmuch as the clampdown on criminal activity is seen to be focused on soft targets, from where monetary gains are available - best examples the casino and other "entertainment" businesses.

So what is the Truth?

Gautam's response points to something important. He says the government alone cannot improve the security situation, that people should adopt "self-security measures". The important thing suggested here, I assert, is that the government alone can't do anything. Those who support the Maobadi accept that the poor performance of the government and the loss of security is a result of reactionary intervention, that multiparty cooperation will be required to establish "New Nepal". The support of the Maobadi is based on a collective dream where each element of the multiplicity envisions a New Nepal possessed of characteristics that remove the particular oppression of that element; that party, person, ethnic group, regional group, economic group, labor group and so on. So support for the Maobadi is support for a new country of course, but it's support for a new government defined by a new constitution to meet disparate grievances through the operation of a new state in which the balance of power is shared by the participating elements, including all interests of civil society. Belief in the Maobadi is that they will foster this development.

The reactionaries expect the security situation could be quelled by martial law and if the people would give them the mandate government performance could be restored and improved with political democratic power sharing and even civilian supremacy over the military. This way the NC and the UML can find common consensual agreement in building New Nepal with all democratic elements. The reactionaries are rooted in the belief that the Maobadi seek absolute power and dictatorship by the party. From this belief, they tell the people all they will get is what the Maobadi says they can have. They say civil society and the other parties must avoid the control of the Maobadi or the Constituent Assembly will not have a consensus of agreement in writing the constitution. Instead they will get the Maobadi plan for the questions of federalism, ethnic nature of the state and regulation of authoritarianism and what constitutes exploitation.

But what if the Maobadi are in fact communists? I mean, what if there is a gap in fully understanding the communist hypothesis in the range of political actors involved other than the Maobadi themselves? What if this gap is manifest in the balance of the Maobadi supporting population in that they do not anticipate a withering away of the state in New Nepal? What if the reactionaries are wrong or duplicitous about the Maobadi hunger for autocratic dictatorship - that is they either are hiding they know they are an oppressor class and fighting to avoid their logical exclusion from a communist society, or they reject the egalitarian maxim, reject communism as utopist, believing that as things get a lot better for me they will also get somewhat better for those who chose to work for the salary I will pay.

The Maobadi plan, the practice of their theoretical stance clearly calls, with the blessings of Lenin, for stripping the reactionaries of their standing army. Otherwise the necessary social resurrection is impossible. This is to pave the way for the oppressed masses to establish a new state. The Maoist conception of this new state is quite specific and resurrects for novel application in the Nepalese context what Mao called "democratic centralism". In a state where power is shared by different masses of oppressed it is possible that mutual aid can be established; that is part of the concept. At the same time the multiplicity participating in the democratic body must, in the communist hypothesis, establish a classless society by thoroughly eliminating the reactionaries on the basis of eliminating any and all exploitation. It follows, that with no ruling class the function of the state is no longer a state proper in which a majority party operates its will on the people with the people's "consent". The people are then self-managing in their particular social and economic situation. The Maobadi invoke the model of the Paris Commune and Lenin's Soviets. The administration of the state service functions is to be a matter for public service employment not accompanied by powerful elitist political players.

What Should the Folks Do?

Since I have chosen to put my faith in the version of the Maobadi actually attempting a new 21st century communism by carrying out the unfinished Maoist enactment of dictatorship of the proletariat by a democratic centralist interim government, my main suggestion is there needs to be a massive ideological campaign. The Maobadi, given their objectives as I see them, will need to face the same forces that have curtailed revolution in the past. Within the new government coalition will be compromises on points of application of federalism, land reform and many other questions of distribution of resources. There needs to be engagement of capitalist modes of production while not practicing exploitation, particularly in projects with foreign investment or funding. The accumulation of wealth and structure by deposed class oppressors will remain in the picture along with their international relationships.

If the Maobadi are going to be the vanguard of future communism they need to awaken as many people as possible to the need to strip those representing the oppressor classes of their power. At the same time, internal vigilance will need to be enhanced, the masses have to be awakened to a level of selflessness required to curtail purely self-interest. It needs to be an expansion from the existing individual social situation. If the UCPN (U) is unable to motivate enough of their own to embrace the concept of pure socialism then the class octopus lives. Much of the Maobadi support needs to fully grasp where the party wants to lead them.

What the reactionaries should do is keep doing the same as they are. Whether they remain and flourish in their power depends, as it does for the Maobadi, on the masses of people. Obviously their ideological apparatus is already in full swing. If the people fail to eradicate imperial and feudalistic oppressor classes because they have not bridged the gap in their understanding of communism, then those who say it's a utopian dream and those who simply reject the egalitarian maxim will remain and regain, and regain.

When however, perhaps the time comes when enough of the people are capable of communism, then it will be seen by the reactionaries that it has been the truth and they too will bridge the gap in their understanding. OK, some might

Barburam Bhattarai speech on May Day in Kathmandu 2009

Thsi is not an offical translation of Barburam Bhattarai's speech but is from someone at the meeting and we are greatful to Ben Petersen for publishing this speech on his site
http://maobadiwatch.blogspot.com/2009/05/dr-babburam

Hello and Happy May Day to all! Today May 1st is a day of huge historical significance. For 120 years the international working class has celebrated May Day as the international workers day. For over a hundred years now workers have been fighting, for their liberation through the only means that this is possible- through revolution. For 120 years now International Workers Day has been commemorated, originally to remember the Haymarket Martyrs, who bravely sacrificed their lives in Chicago while fighting for their rights and the rights of all the worlds working people. Today's rally is a real tribute to these hero's.

And In Nepal we have our own history of labour struggles and sacrifices. We should remember the workers who took the first ever industrial action in Nepal in 1949 against the autocratic regime of the Rana's. More recently there have been many martyrs in the Labour movement, particularly during the time of the 10years people's war and our struggle against the Monarchy in Nepal. Today we pay tribute to those people who have made sacrifices for the peoples cause.

So today in Nepal the United Communist Party of Nepal wants to establish a New Nepal under the rule of the proletariat. In the new Constitution we will make sure that the rights of labourers are guaranteed. To do this we recognise that the Revolution is not over, but simply its form has changed. We are not in the peoples war anymore, but we are still in revolution, and we will continue the revolution until the rights of the working proletariat are recognised and guaranteed! This New Nepali Republic should be a Republic for the People, and not for the counterrevolutionaries and feudalists and our party is as determined as ever to continue to fight for all of the peasants and workers.

As a minister i have to admit that we have not been able to solve all of the problems we have faced yet. I confess this, we don't have total power. Things like an unemployment allowance are things that we have planned, but not been able to achieve. Many people here work, but work in terrible conditions. There are people who work in clothes factories, but they themselves have only rags to wear. To fight this we need to continue to struggle, and the United Communist Party Nepal (Maoist) will continue this struggle from the government, from the assembly and from the street!

I would like to announce i will be trying to raise the minimum wage to 10,000 rupees* due to the recent price rises. When prices rise it is important to rise the minimum wage accordingly. Those who work should not starve and the current price wages are causing this.

It may be difficult for me to do this however because of our coalition partners. The other parties in government are constantly causing trouble for the government, and are always trying to pull our legs out from underneath us. For example our revenue collection has been very high, and the government has been able to collect a vast amount of money, but we have not been able to mobilise this money for the good of the people. We have been unable to mobilise these funds because of the absence of local governments. The budget is very ambitious but due to the opposition parties we have not been able to use the structures excising or create new structures for implementing the budget.

But we will overcome these problems, and find ways around them. As most of you know we have launched the youth employment scheme to create employment and growth within Nepal. Loans of up to 200,000 rupees will be given to 100,000 youths to help them create enterprises at their local level and to stimulate development across Nepal and to battle against unemployment in our country. On top of this in the Next year we will create jobs and employment opportunities for a million Nepalis. This is essential for us to begin to end our dependence on foreign nations and to stop the trend of Nepalis being forced to look overseas to find employment.

This is complicated because feudalism has not been completely eliminated in Nepal. To improve out economic position we need to focus on industrial development. We are doing our best to foster Public Private Partnerships to develop Nepal. We will work to end the need to protest in industries, and try to foster a working relationship between industrialists and the workforce. They are not our enemies right now, our enemies are the feudalists, the expansionists and the imperialists. We want the support from industrialists.

At present the government is encircled by the parliamentary parties, by feudal forces and royalists. There is a polarisation between the progressive republicans and the supposed "democrats". Despite this we will be successful. This government has a huge mandate from the people, and everybody, the Bureaucracy and the military MUST be made to follow the government. If a soldier can be punished for not obeying his superior, why not a general? We will sack Katawal, we will not go back on this decision. We Will transform the army, and involve it in development projects.

But we must be aware of possible threats. We must be aware of the threat of social-democrats who want to politicise the army. Disciplinary action must be taken against Katawal. The military must be under civilian control. It is essential for democracy. Look at Pakistan and Bangladesh, where there have been many military coups because the army is not under the control of the civilian government. Why does the Nepali Congress refuse to learn from history and protect the army?

It is not our agenda to capture state power and put it under the control of our party. Democracy means the civilian control of the state, and the army especially. This is what we are trying to do, institutionalise a Democratic New Nepali state.

If the Nepali Congress refuses to support the government in these important decisions, then it is they who will lose. They will lose all support of the people, they will leave them in droves, and in the next election., they will be decimated.

The UML needs to take a stand. The UML is refusing to be for or against anything. It is like trying to be a third sex. It is useless. And because of this indecision the processes have been delayed. The UML is suffering from a profound identity crisis. They are trying to be a third option, when the only options to the people of Nepal are revolution or reaction. There needs to be leftist unity so we can break the deadlocks and achieve progress in Nepal. If the UML chooses not to do this then they too will be swept into oblivion by the progressive waves of the Maoist movement.

Some parties have been pressuring the President to intervene at the present time. But how can he, the President is only ceremonial. If he tries to overstep his constitutional responsibilities and support the army then it will be a suicidal decision for him. If he goes outside his role, then he will suffer the same fate as the king. I respect him and do not think this will happen, he will respect the Constitution, and therefore remain ceremonial.

We have come to the point where every decision made about Nepal in the past has been decided elsewhere, whether it be London, Washington or Delhi. We will not accept this anymore. We will not accept any interference any longer. We want to foster a mutual relationship with international powers, to respect Nepal's sovereignty. Foreign powers should be careful not to interfere with a sovereign Nepal, because if you interfere it will start a great revolution amongst the people.

We, the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) have chosen the peaceful and progressive path for social and economic change and we will end ALL forms of discrimination, whether it be based on gender, caste, religion, national minorities or region. no one should question our commitment to peace and to the process of making these changes. There were rumours that today we would use the mass of people to try and take power by force. This is false. We will win the popular support, but we will not force change on Nepal. We will bring about change by completing the peace process and writing the new constituion.

If there are obsticles put in our way on this peaceful path, then it would leave us no choice but to then persue the path of revolution. Army integration will happen and the new Constitution will be written no matter what. We will have peace, federalism and development. We will make Nepal properous. The United Communist Party of Nepal(Maoist) is committed to this cause.

We want a broad consensus on the current issues that face the government to solve the existing problems, but if all paths are blocked then we will turn to the street! We do not want to be in government for the sake of being in Government, we don't have a love for the chair. If people want and if it is necessary then we are prepared to make any sacrifice for the people, we will leave the government and fight alongside the people. So I want to put our government at stake, we will either sack Katawal, or we will leave government. If we cannot establish civilian supremacy then we cannot remain in government.

The United Communist Party Nepal (Maoist) will always be with the people. We will never forget you or betray your sacrifices. We will never betray your dreams!

*I am not sure over what time period the 10,000 rupee minimum wage is- 10,000 rupees translates to about 120$USD.

May Day Outrage - Editorial from Kasama

As Kathmandu filled with people demanding popular control over the national army, the Obama Administration added its voice to those (like the Indian Ambassador) who have been encouraging the Nepali Army to resist the creation of a New Nepal.

Citing the continued radical activity of forces like the Maoists’ Young Communist League, the Obama Administration announded that it would keep the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on its international Terrorist Watch List.

This decision is revealing and outrageous on many levels.

First, it is unjust and even absurd to put a mass revolutionary and popular movement on such a “terrorist” list — and it amounts to a public decision to dishonestly equate any radical movement for change with “terrorism.” It is, in addition, an encouragement to extreme, royalist and reactionary forces in Nepal who are seeking a way to thwart the powerful popular will for radical changes in this heavily feudal country. And finally, this decision represents a clear legal threat to the members and leaders of the UCPN(M) — threatening them with international sanctions, surveillance, travel restrictions and even kidnapping-by-governments. In a world where Guantanamo Bay prison still exists, and where CIA rendition has not been publicly exposed and repudiated – the placing of organizations on a “terrorism” watch list is also a threat of future kidnapping and torture by U.S. government agents.

This outrage needs to be widely known among the people of the world — and among progressive the people of the United States. And this requires an energetic effort to break through the media blackout on Nepal and its revolutionary movement.

Democracy and Class Struggle endorses the editorial from Kasama but just see's this development has exposing Obama's rhetoric of change.

The Obama Administration on May Day 2009 have made clear where their loyalties are -not to the working people of Nepal but to the anti democratic elites, not just in Nepal but around the world.

One single act on May Day 2009 by the US Obama Administration speaks volumes about the cosmetic makeover of US Imperialism now underway but the people of the world are more than ever being able to see the imperialist reality behind the soft spoken eloquent rhetoric of Barack Obama.

May Day is a promise that one day these elites will be called to account - and that day is not far off.

Bhattarai reiterates resolve to relieve army chief

Senior Maoist leader and Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai Friday said his party is firm in its resolve to take action against army chief Rookmangud Katawal even if it has to quit the government.

Maoist leader and Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai addressing the May Day function organised by Maoist-affiliated All Nepal Trade Union Federation (ANTUF), Bhattarai said the government would take action against the army chief at any cost in order to safeguard civilian supremacy.

The tough-talking Maoist leader also took a swipe at President Dr Ram Baran Yadav for his role in the army chief row. “If the President tries to veto the government’s decision by misinterpreting the constitution he will face the fate of (former king) Gyanendra.” He also warned of “another revolution” if attempts were made to curtail the peaceful political transformation.

Bhattarai, who has been quite vocal in favour of action against army chief Rookmangud Katawal, claimed that his party has confidence in Nepal Army.

The Maoist leader also made it a point to hit at ruling ally CPN-UML and the main opposition Nepali Congress. The Congress, he said, has been trying to block the government’s decisions while the UML has not been forthcoming on the army chief issue because of the “identity crisis” it is facing

MAY DAY RALLIES AROUND THE WORLD 2009

Where they will be Capitalist State oppression there will be resistance - no justice no peace !

May Day in Nepal - Video of demonstration

May Day in Kathmandu - Unity for Transformation

With the slogan "Unity for Transformation", the International Workers' Day, or May Day, is being celebrated all over the world including Nepal today by organising various programs calling for protection of the rights of workers

Trade unionists staging a rally marking the May Day in Kathmandu, Friday...
Trade unions affiliated with various political parties are organising public functions and taking out rallies in the capital Kathmandu to celebrate the social and economic achievements of the international labour movement. They said their district organizations are also holding similar programs in many parts of the country.

The workers in Nepal are celebrating this year's May Day to exert pressure on the government to ensure their rights in the new constitution. For this, Maoist aligned trade unions, which have been at the centre of controversy for shutting down factories and attacking the free press to uphold the rights of workers employed there, are taking out a mass rally from Khulamanch in the capital city.

Meanwhile, in their message on the occasion, Prime Minister Prachanda including leaders of various political parties issued their good wishes to the workers and expressed commitment to improve the condition of the workers.

All government offices including industries, banks, schools remained closed today due to the public holiday the government had announced on this day two years back.

The origins of International Workers' Day go back to 1886, when hundreds of thousands workers across the United States went on strike on what is called "eight-hour day movement", which advocated the eight hours for work, eight hours for recreation, and eight hours for rest.

According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) - Nepal, only a small percentage of workers in the country are employed in the formal sector that involves some form of social security.