The International Unity of Communists requires the defeat of Revsionism and Centrism

The impetuous rise of class struggle in the world has exposed the subjected
capitulation of prachandist revisionism in Nepal and the disappearance of
the leading role of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement - RIM.

It has appeared that the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - CPN (M), being
a RIM member, has raised in the name of Maoism against Marxism Leninism
Maoism, clutching a revisionist platform of renunciation of destroying the
old reactionary state, of betraying the People's War by renouncing to it, by
disarming the people, by dismantling the bases of popular power already
conquered and by dissolving its People's Liberation Army in the reactionary
army of exploiters, and finally by merging with the revisionist party Mashal
in the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - UCPN (M), and by
compromising with all others opportunist parties to defend the class
dictatorship of the landlords, the bourgeoisie and imperialism, and to serve
to run over the people.

It is likewise evident that the Committee of the RIM has, remaining silent
facing the revisionist line and the betrayal carried out by the CPN (M),
resigned in practice the role of being the international leading center, and
compromising the prestige of the RIM. It has cost a high price to the world
revolution and the international unity of the communists, allowing the
coexistence of opportunistic trends within the RIM, by the incorrect method
of restrict the lines struggle, and hiding the discussions to the
International Communist Movement - ICM and to the world proletariat.

Hence, facing the new problems caused by the deep world contradictions of
imperialism in the last decades, both the CPN (M) and the Revolutionary
Communist Party of the United States, seeing only the living appearance of
imperialism without going to the very agonizing core of capitalism, have
reached to the same revisionist conclusion: to declare null and void the
principles of revolutionary Marxism, and insufficient the universal theory
of Marxism Leninism Maoism to solve the problems of the revolution in this
century and, therefore, declared it overstepped in its "novel" revisionist
theories, made today under the ostentatious name of "Avakian's new
synthesis". Contrary to its hopelessness pessimism in the proletariat and in
the revolution, the new problems of our times have unleashed the world
forces of work against the imperialist parasitism, showing the orphanhood of
a world communist leadership, and with it the urgency for the international
unity of the marxist leninist maoists.

Against such a need that requires to differentiate and to break completely
with opportunism, rises again the familiar centrist tendency known in the
history of communist movement for its "conciliator" role between Marxism and
revisionism. A centrist tendency, headed today by the Communist Party
(Maoist) of Italy, direct continuation of the centrism in the RIM yesterday,
and mainly in its Committee.

In the open bourgeois degeneration of prachandism, the centrists, who
yesterday praised his theory, ignored the treason in Nepal and supported
bourgeois parliamentarism of the PCNU (M), declare today themselves to be
against Prachanda, but actually without breaking with prachandism.

They remain supporters of a fraction of prachandism that no longer
recognizes Prachanda as leader, but Kiran. They repudiate the current
symbolic acts of Bhattarai and Prachanda in the surrender of the revolution,
but deny the revisionist nature of the party and escape its responsibility
in the real political betrayal of People's War conducted in the Peace
Agreement of 2006.

Centrism both reconciles and calls "red" a fraction of the revisionist right
in Nepal, and fights angry against the revolutionary communists whom are
called "dogmatic-revisionists" and "opportunistic liquidators" for their
struggle against revisionism and centrism.

It fears the complete rupture, ideological, political and organizational,
with the revisionist line of the UCPN (M), a condition without which it is
not possible to conceive a true revolutionary line in Nepal, able to return
to the People's War and lead it, to conquer the triumph of the Revolution of
New Democracy in the whole country.

Before the visible collapse of the RIM, centrism that yesterday gave
legitimacy to the silent complicity, now denies that the RIM was defeated by
the revisionist line which it was unable to fight in their midst, and
attempts to revive it with the support of UCPN (M), but without the hegemony
of the RCP, USA.

Thus, centrism hides the main danger that represents revisionism for the
unity of the ICM, minimizing its treason to the world proletariat and its
outrages against the people of Nepal, opaque the vision of the communists
and prevents the workers of the world to clearly understand the role of
revisionism in the defeat of their political movement, contributing to keep
them away from the political problems of their revolution.

It is our unwavering commitment to fight for the international unity of the
Marxist Leninist Maoists, which requires the demolition of the false
revisionist theories and the eclectic positions of centrism, drawing a deep
demarcation between Marxism and opportunism in the whole general line of the
International Communist Movement, as firm foundation of unity to build the
new International that has to lead the grandiose battles of the world
proletarian revolution against imperialism and all its lackeys.

AGAINST REVISIONISM AND CENTRISM: LONG LIVE MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM!

FOR A NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL BASED ON MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM:

FORWARD!

December 26th - 2011

Arab Maoists

Colectivo Odio de Clase - Estado Español

Parti Communiste Marxiste-Léniniste-Maoïste - France

Partido Comunista del Ecuador Sol Rojo

Partido Comunista del Perú - Base Mantaro Rojo

Partido Comunista Popular Maoísta - Argentina

Partido Comunista (Marxista-Leninista) de Panamá

Proletarian Party of East Bengal (PBSP) (Maoist Unity Group)/Bangladesh

Unión Obrera Comunista (MLM) - Colombia 

.

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December 26th Chairman Mao Zedong's birthday - Without Communist Party there would be no new China - Afrikan brother sings for Mao Zedong

Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China.
Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China.
The Communist Party works hard for the people.
The Communist Party - it strives to save China.
It pointed the people the road to liberation.
It leads China toward brightness.
It adhered to the War of Resistance for over eight years.
It improved the people's living.
It established guerrilla bases.
It practiced democracy, bringing many advantages.
Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China.
Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China.


沒有共產黨就沒有新中國
沒有共產黨就沒有新中國
共產黨辛勞為民族
共產黨他一心救中國
他指給了人民解放的道路
他領導中國走向光明
他堅持抗戰八年多
他改善了人民生活
他建設了敵後根據地
他實行了民主好處多
沒有共產黨就沒有新中國
沒有共產黨就沒有新中國


没有共产党就没有新中国
没有共产党就没有新中国
共产党辛劳为民族
共产党他一心救中国
他指给了人民解放的道路
他领导中国走向光明
他坚持抗战八年多
他改善了人民生活
他建设了敌后根据地
他实行了民主好处多
没有共产党就没有新中国
没有共产党就没有新中国


Méiyǒu Gòngchǎndǎng jiù méiyǒu xīn Zhōngguó.
Méiyǒu Gòngchǎndǎng jiù méiyǒu xīn Zhōngguó.
Gòngchǎndǎng xīnláo wèi mínzú.
Gòngchǎndǎng tā yīxīn jiù Zhōngguó.
Tā zhǐ gěi le rénmín jiěfàng de dàolù.
Tā lǐngdǎo Zhōngguó zǒuxiàng guāngmíng.
Tā jiānchí le kàngzhàn bā nián duō.
Tā gǎishàn le rénmín shēnghuó.
Tā jiànshè le díhòu gēnjùdì.
Tā shíxiàn le mínzhǔ hǎochùduō.
Méiyǒu Gòngchǎndǎng jiù méiyǒu xīn Zhōngguó.
Méiyǒu Gòngchǎndǎng jiù méiyǒu xīn Zhōngguó.

December 26th - Remembering Our Chairman - Mao Zedong - The Socialist Economy - 1949 to 1980

December 26th - Remembering Our Chairman - Mao Zedong - Long Live Marxism Leninism Maoism

Christmas Truce -1914

The Christmas Truce 1914 - Lenin's view

The truce began on Christmas Eve, December 24, 1914, when German troops began decorating the area around their trenches in the region of Ypres, Belgium, for Christmas. They began by placing candles on trees, then continued the celebration by singing Christmas carols, most notably Stille Nacht (Silent Night). The British troops in the trenches across from them responded by singing English carols.

The two sides continued by shouting Christmas greetings to each other. Soon thereafter, there were calls for visits across the "No Man's Land" where small gifts were exchanged — whisky, jam, cigars, chocolate, and the like. The artillery in the region fell silent that night. The truce also allowed a breathing spell where recently-fallen soldiers could be brought back behind their lines by burial parties. Proper burials took place as soldiers from both sides mourned the dead together and paid their respects. At one funeral in No Man's Land, soldiers from both sides gathered and read a passage from the 23rd Psalm: The Lord is my shepherd. I shall not want. He maketh me to lie down in green pastures. He leadeth me beside the still waters. He restoreth my soul. He leadeth me in the path of righteousness for his name's sake. Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil.

The truce spread to other areas of the lines, and there are many stories of football matches between the opposing forces. The film Joyeux Noël suggests that letters sent home from both British and German soldiers related that the score was 3-2 in favour of the Germans.

Lenin, the leader of the working class revolution in Russia, heard about the Christmas truce. He pointed out that if there were organizations prepared to fight for such a policy among the soldiers of all the belligerent nations, there might have been a quick end to the world war in favor of the working masses. Lenin wrote, “Try to imagine Hyndman, Guesde, Vandervelde, Plekhanov, Kautsky and the rest [leaders of so-called socialist parties that supported the world war] – instead of aiding the bourgeoisie (something they are now engaged in – forming an international committee to agitate for fraternization and attempts to establish friendly relations between the socialists of the belligerent countries, both in the trenches and among the troops in general. What would the results be several months from now?”

Tunisian Communist Leader Hama Hammami Accuses Qatari Regime of Being “An Enemy to Tunisia and Arab World”

Hama Hamami, leader of Communist Workers Party of Tunisia (POCT), claimed yesterday that ”The Qatari regime is an enemy to Tunisia and the Arab World,” referring to Qatar’s alleged involvement in the guiding of democratic uprisings of 2011 in North Africa and the Middle East.

Qatar’s role in the “Arab Spring” has been a source of controversy among politicians and citizens across the Arabic-speaking world.

Many have claimed that the tiny Gulf emirate has been promoting its agenda through its television channel Al Jazeera, while others have claimed that Qatar has broader motives for backing and supporting Islamist parties.

The Tunisian Islamist Party Ennahda, whose historic election victory solidified its hold on the largest share of seats in the Constituent Assembly, was accused of having affiliations with, and accepting financial aid from, Qatar.

The extent of political and economic Qatari involvement in Tunisia’s affairs has been a large point of contention in Tunisia since the revolution. Hamma Hamami, leader of POCT, stated that Qatar is playing a dangerous game, and is only serving its own agenda. He also added that Qatar is an agent of USA and Israel.

“Qatar is playing a dangerous role under the umbrella of USA; it is a government that serves America’s agenda, and also has direct relations with Israel. Qatar’s intentions are not patriotic,” Hamami said.

Hamami also asserted that Qatar is attempting to guide moderate Islamic parties, which are popular in Qatar, toward the political choices of the USA.

“Qatar is conditioning popular Islamic parties to serve American and Western interests, and they are managing to achieve that end through the messages that Ennahda is sending to America and Western society. Ennahda is basically assuring the west that the relationship between Tunisia and the West will not change. I do not have concrete proof but this is my political analysis.”

Hamami also referred specifically to Al Jazeera, claiming that during the electoral campaign the network was 90% pro-Ennahda.

When asked about Qatar’s support for Tunisia economically, he said that Tunisia does not need financial aid as much as it needs a, “political economy.”

“Tunisia is a self-sufficient country that is rich with natural resources – it is not about having money. A good example is Libya: The country was rich but they were living in awful conditions,” he added.

“The revolutions were authentic, but the USA wants to orient these new democratic movements in their own direction,” he added.

Samir Dilou, an Ennahda member who is rumored to hold the post of the Human Rights and Transitional Justice Minister (and to be spokesperson of the upcoming Government) disagreed with Hamami.

“I respect what he said, but I do not agree with him. It is his political opinion and it lacks any concrete proof.”

He added that Tunisia’s relations with Qatar are no different from Tunisia’s relations with other Arab countries.

“Our relations with Qatar are nothing but friendly, just like any other Arab country. We want what’s in our nation’s best interest, and if that involves having economic relations with Qatar, or any other Arab country, then we will not be against it. We welcome all Arab investors.”

When asked about Al Jazeera being Pro-Ennahda, he replied,”We actually protested against Al Jazeera before because some of its broadcasts were anti-Ennahda. We respect media but Al Jazeera is sometimes right and sometimes wrong.”

http://www.tunisia-live.net/2011/12/20/tunisian-communist-leader-accuses-qatari-regime-of-being-an-enemy-to-tunisia-and-arab-world/

Tahrir Square on 23rd December 2011 - Protestors support womens rights

The Children of Tahrir Square - Inspiring Children and the hope of Egypt

Egyptian children and a teacher talk about the revolution (Note: this was shot before the military's recent attacks on protesters)

Comrade Kiran’s new interview by New Democratic Peoples Front

Picture Comrade Kiran

December 16th

Q. Your experience with the formulation of national constitution in the last two years and the resistance by the reactionary parliamentary right wingers like Nepali congress. How do you sum it up in retrospect?

A. Our experience of Constituent Assembly for the last two years and our co-work with parliamentarian parties, including Nepali Congress, has been very complicated and bitter. In this whole process, intense ideological struggle is going on between two mutually contradictory trends: whether to build a new national army by integrating PLA in a dignified manner or make them surrender by disarming them and whether to attempt writing people’s constitution with anti-feudal and anti-imperialist content or write a parliamentarian constitution based on status quo. In this struggle our party is becoming weaker day by day.

In this course, a serious two-line struggle is taking place on the evaluation of different compromises and agreements reached from the past to now.

Q. Indian Maoists, your counterpart from India, were skeptical over your participation in the parliamentary path without the overthrow of the then existent state structures. Your party chose to restructure the state apparatus by participating in the bourgeoisie state legislature. How do you see it in retrospect?

A. Our party had initiated and conducted the great people’s war to establish new democratic state power by destroying the old one. However, without accomplishing this task we took a course of compromise and adopted a policy of restructuring the state. We take it as our limitation and obligation. It is natural for the Indian Maoists to be skeptical of our party. Our party’s practice in the days to come will provide correct answer to the doubt that the Indian comrades have expressed or will justify its irrelevance or relevance.

Q. Your nation is sandwiched between two giant powers of the south Asia, i.e. India and china. Your party saw India as more harmful than China against your revolutionary tide. Later, Prachanda, your party chairman was becoming more friendly to India shirking anti Indian stance. How do you explain this duality?

A. Yes, our country is sandwiched between two giant powerful countries of the south Asia, like India and china. We want to maintain a good neighbourly relation and go ahead by honouring each other’s national integrity and reverence with both of these countries. There are various unequal treaties, including the treaty of 1950, between Nepal and India. But, there are no such unequal treaties with China. In this sense, we oppose the expansionist attitude of the Indian ruling classes. However, we are not opposed to Indian people. We want to abrogate unequal treaties and sign up the new ones that are based on common interest and mutual equality of both the countries.

I don’t think it will be appropriate to look at chairman comrade Prachanda’s view and practice upon India as dualist. Because, it may be perhaps a question in which he showed his limitation or shortcoming in properly paying attention to the dialectical relation between diplomacy and politics.

Q. Does your party still view India as expansionist state in south Asia endangering the national aspirations of the regional entities?

A. Yes, we still think so. This position of ours is pointed only towards the Indian ruling classes, which are in minority. We look at the entire Indian people from the viewpoint of equality and think that they are our friends for Nepalese revolution.

Q. At the time of participation in election process, the armed overthrow was given a goby suggesting peaceful transition to power. You were putting forward the fusion theory to mobilize the urban upsurge.

A. Yes, we chose this way or that way a path of peaceful electoral process by diverting our attention from the path of destroying the old state power in an armed manner. Here, we have a number of shortcomings, limitations and obligations, we summing up all this mercilessly want to go ahead.

So far as the concept of fusion adopted to organise urban insurrection is concerned, it is correct and needs further explanation. In view of the development of information technology and imperialist globalisation we are trying to develop a concept of fusion in which some of the tactics of armed insurrection are incorporated into the protracted people’s war, which is principal. It is necessary to pay attention to both of its aspects: further study and practical implementation. A danger of the party being dipped in the swamp of right revisionism is growing and we are careful on it. Thanks.

  From : New Democratic People’s Front (www.ndpfront.net/)

Interview by: Suthagar  & Peter
Source:http://www.ndpfront.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=217:2011-12-16-124406&catid=40:asia