Saturday, June 3, 2017
Celebrating 50 years since Naxalbari :Mass Struggles Representing the Nagi Reddy Line Part 8 by Harsh Thakor
MASS STRUGGLES REPRESENTING THE NAGI REDDY LINE
Here struggle reports are reproduced from the time of even the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) or the C.C.R.I.
It must be emphasised that these mass organizations discussed have an independent identity and do not belong to any party or not a front organization of any group like the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) etc.
All the mass Organization leaders in Punjab I have met have asserted that they do not belong to any revolutionary or Maoist faction,have a separate manifesto and independent functioning.
All these organizations very carefully distinguished the party and mass organizations and never mixed their platforms.
No mass organization written about claims to belong or support the C.P.R.C.I.etc.
However no doubt the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) and it’s earlier constituents played a major role in influencing the struggles and the leadership.
Mass movements oriented towards the line of T.Nagi Reddy.(compiled from journal “The Comrade”)
Khalistani period in Punjab
From the early 80's to the early part of the 90's the state of Punjab was ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat to the people's democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikhc ommunalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Bothparties used the communal terrorists against each other.
Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh ommunal fanatic,to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged to a Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.
In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalist forces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when thecontradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideologybecame acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilise the Akali Dal, the ruling party.
The 'Front against repression and Communalsim'could not be a front comprising of the revolutionary democratic organizations belonging to respective organizations as the issue was beyond the scope of mass organizations. It could also not be a Front comprising of political organizations belonging to the Communist Revolutionary Camp, as the issue had a broader mass appeal for the involvement of such braoder sectionsof democratic,secular and non-communal forces,whose participation in the Front would not be possible ,if it comprised of the Communist Revolutionary forces based on Marxism-Leninsim Mao Tse Tung Thought..
The Front against Repression and Communalism, Punjab could not only maintain it's existence ,despite several ups and owns ut function successfully implementing it's common plan of action for years. It undertook highly successful propaganda campaigns in various parts of the state on a mass scale ,but could also mobilize the people at various places in great numbers in actual opposition and resistance to communal fascist terrorism and state terrorism, and was able to create ,during the trying times, several exempelary centres of revolutionary mass resistance against e dual reactionary monster of terrorism.The greatest achievement was organizing a state level function in the darkest days of Khalistani and state terrorism on July 10th 1987.It was backed by the C.C.R.I and the C.P.I.(M.L.)Central Team groups.
In contrast ,The Revolutionary Unity Centre formed by Comrade Gursharan Singh(famous revolutionary dramatist and supporter of the Communist Movement) was based on a declaration that professed Marxism –Leninism –Mao Tse Tung Thought as its guiding ideology,and the unity among Communist revolutionary forces as it's goal. It allotted no specific programme. It's pogramme was vague and non –specific .
Importance was not give to revolutionary mass resistance. Only mere propaganda campaigns could be taken up or seminar type activities ,where the speakers would declare their latest political positions ,and contradict each other.(Held a state-wide rally from March 23rd to April 8thin 1987 opposing State and Khalistani terrorism commemorating Shaheed Bhagat Singh) The Revolutinary UnityCentre in contracts could not unify any 2 of it's constituents .Being communist Revolutionary Centre it became an arena of conflicting trends interpreting Mao Tse Tung Thought differently.
Several groups did not consider each other revolutionary and openly accused each other of being revisionist. Some of it's constituents upheld he Socialist Revolution as their goal. Thus the formation of a revolutionary United front was contradictory because a centre forged with the specific goal of unity among different Communist Revolutinary Sections cannot be be the same as one created for a revolutionary democratic Front.. Secondly how could he upholders of the Socialist revolution as a goal agree with the upholders of the New democratic revolution.
There was also a tendency to allow or invite the 'Paigam' group in the revolutionary camp which upheld the Khalistani Movement.It was simply inviting those who the revolutionary forces labelled as 'traitors' or 'revisionists' to come into the front .Considering that there was such a severe debate on he polemical level amongst Communist Revolutionary groups it was virtually impossible for the Centre to be effective on the mass political plane.
It is interesting that the main advocate of this Centre the C.P.I(M.L)Resistance or Chandra Pulla Redy Group led by K.Ramchandran opposed the front claiming that mass organizations were needed for taking up partial and economic issues and the party should undertake political activities.It claimed that the formation of such affront was alien to Marxism Leninism.We held that this was a totally unmarxist formulation.Communists can never consider mass organisations stood be purely economic ones.This was a most eclectic formulation. Mass Organisations play a mass –political role I the revolutionary movement and in specific situation s mass –political platforms have top be built.
Village Sewewala is located on the Bathinda-Jaito-Faridkot road 2 km from Jaitu town to one side and Baghtuana to another.What was significant was that in a recent wage-hike struggle,the Sarpanch had tried to woo the Jat peasants and pit them against the Harijan sof the village,who were mainly agricultural labourers.The Sarpanch tried to use the rural caste-divide for mobilizing the Jat peasants against the new organization.The entire Harijan basto became staunch supporters of the front.This has class-significance .
On April 9th in 1991, a local assembly was organized in the village by the ‘front.’ In Sewewala village.State –level leaders of the front were invited to participate in the platform.500 people aseembled in the compound. A popular anti-communal play was staged and a volunteer
force team with pistols and fire-arms guarded the compound.
Khalistani terrorist forces camouflaged themselves and came through the village sarpanch’s house wearing green military uniforms carrying 3 assault rifles,2 sten guns atleast one 7.62 bore gun ,and H-E 36 grenades
They attacked the manning members and moved from checkpost to checkpost.They lobbed a grenade onto the roof and destroyed the wall of the compound.
They had discovered the minute details of the volunteer force like their positions,,weaponry and numbers.Mata Sada Kaur ,a woman activist from Bhatinda and Jagpal Singh ,a stae commite member of the front were the first to be killed.Mata Sada Kaur daringly challenged them to shoot her before they shot the young.,while Jagpal Singh was shot when moving out of range of fire.
The Khalistanis lobbed another grenade at the dais but it it failed to burst.Megh Raj who had not been hit ,snatched a 12 bore gun from a comrade and fired 2 shots.However by now his gun was empty and while re-loading his gun the terrorsis showered bullets on him.
Comrade Megh Raj could have saved his life had he not launched himself in hot pursuit of the Khalistanis.,challenging and firing upon them as they were retreating after the attack.
Mother Sadana could have saved her life,had she not stretched out her chest against the Khalistanis while unleashing her wrath,while Paapi invited his death by raising slogans against the Khalistani terrorists ,amidst the shower of bullets.
In this encounter ,the Khalistanis remained superior,in the military context of killing men,came out winners,but in the political context of causing demoralization ,they have failed.Infact the ‘Front ‘ became more popular after the attack.
The failure in thwarting the bloody attack has brought to light the serious weaknesses ,limitataions and defects of the ‘Front.’Howver this cannot deny that the Front launched a protracted fight against the Khalistanis.The Front should have conducted the fight with more seriousness,preparartion nad vigour.
This attack was not on the ‘Front’ alone.It was an attack on the rural labourers(the Harijans) and wa specifically mentioned in the handout of the Khalistanis.
Above all it was an assault on the entire democratic movement of Punjab.
On the day of the assault of the Khalistanis it looked like it was a victory for them and a loss to the Front but reflecting on the overall history of the period the Front had overlapped the enemies and gained many notable victories.The achievements of the front were fare greater than it’s defeats.The Khalistani forces felt that Megh Raj and his fellow-comrades would repent their doings and their families would be intimidated.But the Khalistani bombs and rifles could not fulfill their political plans,as the martyr comrades were not horrified by death,but mocked by it.
To combat the oppression of the communal –fascist forces activity was undertaken by party platforms and mass organs.Special issues of the ‘The ‘Inquilabi Jantak Leh’ and the ‘Surkh Rekha ‘ were printed as well as messages and statements of other Communist revolutionary groups.A printed statement of the Central Committee and the state committee of the C.C.R.I was brought out in a leaflet and a poster was also printed by the same organization.
Hundreds of people gathered at Baghtuana,Rampura,Selbrah and Dhilwan to bid farewell to the martyrs,marching to the cremation grounds,raising militant slogans.At Baghtuana,bodies of 4 martyrs were creamated in acommon pyre,encased in red flags.The slogans raised reflected the resolve f the people to combat the communal fascist forces.
Bog Samagams(conferences) of individual martyrs were held in Bhatuana ,Dhilwan,Selbrah and Rampura.Inspite of terrorist threats they were succesfuly held.In these meetings,speakesr from a huge range of mass organizations of agricultural workers,peasants,labourers employees etc displayed their resolve to combat the communal-fascist forces. Taking into consideration the earlier threats issued by the terrorists,great priority was given to security arrangements.
They planned to foil any terrorist onslaught on the activists and that to thwart tan attack the democratic forces would retaliate in a more comprehensive manner,literally giving back the enemy a tase of their ownmedicine.One major problem was that it was not possible to move all men and material to smagams in 4 different places –all within 10 days of the massacre.Thus volunteers and arms had to be arranged locally.Effective measures were deployed to provide security covernot only to the pandal and procession but also to the participants on their way coming from all over the state.
On May 18th,one of the most memorable conferences or samagams(in Hindi)was held in memory of the Sewewala martyrs.The main aim was to project the revolutionary mass –political message of offering revolutionary mass resistance to the twin onslaught of Khalistani and State terrorism.The objective was to pool in all the revolutionary democratic allies and excude forces like Paigam group that supported the Khalistani Movement.
The aim was to narrow down the differences between the different communist revolutionary forces. It was decided that no revolutionary group should use the conference to project it’s political image and that it was not a forum to project party politics.This trend was predominant in the K.N Ramchadran group which refused to differentiate between the party and mass-political platform and believed that mass organizations were only needed to propogate economic demands. This trend was predominant in the K.N Ramchadran group which refused to differentiate between the party and mass-political platform..
Some groups talked of mere class struggle,some gave less emphasis like the R.CC.on Khalistani terrorism while some like Ramchandran group insisted on participating only on the 'party' plane.The samagam organizers insisted that no party should participate in it's own name or it's own banner.
For the conference great preparations were made for adequate security arrangements.The firepower of all the Communist revolutionary groups was pooled together.Due care was taken to ensure that the communist revolutionary groups were not forced to expose their men nad material.Some groups did not wish to expose their armed preparedness/squads.
To satisfy these parameters,the participant groups were asked to specify only the number of volunteers and the quantity of arms and ammunition with them.C.C.R.I ,(Centre of Communist revolutionaries of India)C.T .(Central Team)and R.C.C.groups acted collectively in this.It was planned that a volunteer force equipped with about two-thirds legal and one-third illegal weapons would be deployed.However,the number of armed volunteers and weapons grew beyond expectations.No armed licences from the state would be procured.
A committee of prominent mass leaders,intellectuals,writers,editors and democratic rights leaders were formed to conduct this programme.The purpose was to achieve maximimum possible mobilization of communist revolutionary ,democratic and secular forces.It included Gursharan Singh (dramatist),Amolak Singh (editor,Surkh Rekha),Japal Jassi(editor,Inquilabi Jantak Leh),Sujan Singh (short story writer),Mohunder Singh Sandhu,Jagmohan Singh(Association for democratic Rights) etc. The people of Jaitu were greatly encouraged when they saw the security arrangements.Besides volunteers with firearms,hundreds of volunteers were armed with traditional weapons.
As it was routinely apprehended that the terrorists in the garb of police personnel may hit at the participants while the latter were on their way to Jaitu ,the police authorities were asked to inform the Samagam(conference) organizers about the deployment of their checkposts.The police refused permission for this.Mobile patrolling was undertaken by volunteerson jeeps and 2 –wheelers.
The function started at 9.a.m on May 18th.Militant slogans were raised and about 10,000 people assembled.At first only around 250 people assembled but like a spark turning into a prairie fire the number increaded to 10,000.The speech that touched the hearts of most of the participants was that of Amolkak Singh (State convenor of the Front.The stage secretary Jaspal Jassi spoke about the need for combating both types of terrorism and also exposed the tendency in the revolutionary camp with either state or Khalistani terrorism.He explained the correct approach of mass revolutionary resistance against both kinds of terrorism.
The masses responded warmly,,continuously raising militant slogans.After the function,Jaspal Jassi discharged the responsibility of the staege secretary.After the conclusion of the Samagam,a militant demonstration was held in the town escorted by volunteers.At the parking place adequate security arrangements were made to thwart attempts of Khalistanis gangs to plant bombs in the trucks.
What was important was that the revolutionary democratic message was so effectively conveyed and that the conference was not utilized as a forum for projecting the line of any communist revolutionary group.It promoted the unity of communist revolutionary and democratic force s and combated any trend to convert mass –political platforms into party platforms.The samagam and the demonstration increased the confidence among people that a successful protracted fight can be waged.One was reminded of the spirit of the Vietnamese people when combating the Americans and the confidence they gained from the Vietminh combat forces.Please consider for publication nad confirm receipt.
Friday, June 2, 2017
Thursday, June 1, 2017
South Korean Presidential Spokesman Yoon Young chan says the secret deployment of 4 THADD launchers in South Korea "very shocking"
Democracy and Class Struggle says Secret Deployments nearly let to War between US and North Korea in 1994 but Jimmy Carter jumped on a plane and prevented Clinton's stupidity - Koreans North and South must get together urgently and determine their own fate - Get US out of Korea with its secret deployments provoking an apoclypse on the Korean peninsular
China has again urged the US to remove its THAAD anti-missile system from South Korea, following reports that additional launchers were brought into the country secretly, without even Korean President Moon Jae-in being informed.
China is “gravely concerned” by reports that four extra THAAD launchers were delivered to South Korea, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said at a briefing in Beijing on Thursday.
“The deployment of THAAD by the US in the ROK (Republic of Korea) jeopardizes China’s strategic security interests [and] disrupts regional strategic balance,” Hua said, as cited by South Korea’s Hankyoreh paper.
S. Korean president ‘shocked’ to find 4 unaccounted US THAAD launchers in his country
The presence of the anti-missile system “won’t help achieving denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and regional peace and stability, and runs counter to all parties’ efforts to solve the issue through dialogue and consultation,” she said.
“We once again strongly urge the US and the ROK to stop and call off the deployment of THAAD,” the spokeswoman added.
Beijing remains unconvinced that THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) is needed to protect South Korea from a potential nuclear threat posed by the North, as the US claims. However, China believes it highly likely that the Americans will use the anti-missile system’s powerful radar to monitor the PRC’s military activities.
South Korea’s new president, Moon Jae-in, ordered a probe into his country’s Defense Ministry after it was revealed that it had “intentionally dropped the introduction of four more (THAAD) launchers [from] its report.”
Presidential Blue House spokesman Yoon Young-chan called last week’s secret delivery a “very shocking” development.
During his campaign for office, Moon promised to delay the deployment of THAAD and, additionally, discuss the move with the South Korean parliament, arguing that the anti-missile system could actually do more harm than good.
However, the president told visiting US Senator Dick Durbin on Wednesday that the Defense Ministry probe was a “purely a domestic measure,” which was “not about trying to change the existing decision or sending a message to the US.”
Moon also sent his top security aide to Washington to reassure the US authorities that THAAD won’t be scrapped, Reuters reported.
The Americans earlier denied speculations that they had initiated the secret THAAD delivery, with Pentagon spokesman Army Major Jamie Davis saying the US military had “worked closely and been fully transparent” with South Korea on the issue.
“The rising North Korean missile threat makes THAAD a defensive necessity and the ROK-US alliance moved as quickly as possible, together, to bring this important capability to the ROK,” Davis explained.
The THAAD battery was equipped with two launchers out of a maximum capacity of six when it was deployed in South Korea in March before Moon became president. The stealthy delivery of the additional four launchers brings the system up to full strength.
Russia shares China’s worries about the presence of a US anti-missile system in South Korea, with President Vladimir Putin saying the move won’t go without response.
“This issue is a major concern for us and we have been constantly voicing it for decades. This disrupts the strategic balance in the world. But the world is silent and nobody listens to us,” Putin said on Thursday.
SOURCE: https://www.rt.com/news/390522-china-us-thaad-south-korea
Irish Socialist Republicans express our deepest fraternal solidarity to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, to the Prison Branch of the Front, to the imprisoned General Secretary of the PFLP, Comrade Ahmed Sa’adat and to all Palestinian Political Prisoners.
Irish Socialist Republicans express our deepest fraternal solidarity to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, to the Prison Branch of the Front, to the imprisoned General Secretary of the PFLP, Comrade Ahmed Sa’adat and to all Palestinian Political Prisoners.
We salute the courage and steadfast determination of the prisoners in resisting Zionist attempts to criminalise the Palestinian Struggle for National Liberation and congratulate them on the important victory of the Strike for Freedom and Dignity.
Following a mass hunger strike lasting forty days, the Palestinian Prisoners, supported by the Palestinian Masses and international supporters, have exposed the ongoing crimes of Zionism for all to see. The strike for Freedom and Dignity has inflicted a strategic defeat on the forces of occupation and colonialism in Palestine and has acted as an inspiration and rallying cry to struggling people around the world. In Ireland, we know only too well the significance of a hunger strike by Political Prisoners.
In 1981, ten of our comrades from the ranks of the IRA and the INLA gave their lives in Britain’s illegal prisons in Ireland, demonstrating that the struggle for freedom will never be criminalised. In the spirit of those Martyrs, Irish Socialist Republicans will continue to stand in support of the Palestinian Prisoners and your struggle for National Liberation.
On the 100th anniversary of the illegal Balfour Declaration, we stand with you in your ongoing fight against occupation, settler colonialism and imperialism. Irish Socialist Republicans believe that the struggles for National Liberation and Socialism in Ireland and Palestine are part of the one international fight against imperialism.
As the history of Ireland and Palestine demonstrate, resistance is the only path to Freedom and victory. We salute the PFLP and the Palestinian masses for continuing the path of resistance. The world is now in a time of great crisis and international bonds of solidarity are more important now then ever. Now is the time for continuing to build and strengthen the forces of resistance around the world. Irish Socialist Republicans will continue our solidarity work highlighting the struggle for National Liberation in Palestine, confident in the knowledge that every defeat for imperialism is a victory for us all.
Victory to the prisoners- Victory to the resistance in Ireland and Palestine!
Beirigí Bua- Tiocfaidh Ár Lá!
SOURCE:
http://pflp.ps/english/2017/06/01/irish-socialist-republicans-express-solidarity-with-the-pflp-and-palestinian-political-prisoners/
Celebrating 50 years Since Naxalbari : From Nagi Reddy Line to C.P.R.C.I (ML) Part 7 By Harsh Thakor
These articles reflect the personal views of Harsh Thakor
DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIZATIONS BRANCHING FROM NAGI REDDY LINE TO FORMATION OF THE C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.)
A. Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India-1988
In 1988 5 groups ,namely the CPI(M.L.) led by Chandraskekar,the RCPI led by Jitender, e 2 UCCRI(M.L.) factions led by Harbhajan Sohi and Anand and the O.C.C.P.I.(M.L.) led by Raghubir merged to form the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (C.C.R.I.)The formation of the Centre of Comunist Revolutionaries of India had historical significance,as since the formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L in 1975 there were so may splits.
Theoretically, it was the soundest amongst all revolutionary sections and it’s practice in Orissa and Punjab Outstanding. It enhanced the consolidation of the All India Revolutionary Movement.A 2 line struggle was undertaken by comrade Anand within the U.C.C.R.I.M.L of led by Viswam ,on similar grounds that Comrada H.B S split the organization.
The chief architects of this organization were the 2 Comrades Anand and Harbhajan Sohi.Although Comrade Anand(from Andhra Pradesh) remained in the Muktigami period for long time(even after the H.B.S split in 1979) in the author’s opinion the revolutionary Movement has to be sympathetic with his long struggle as he remained within the original organsation with the interests of Unity in mind.
One was the issue of the Chinese three Worlds theory, the other was on the question of electins and massOrganisations.There were strong tendencies in Anand’s view of right deviation-like participation in election s or supporting candidates and impostion of the party’s policies on mass organsiations.5 organisations after a continuos process of bilateral negotiations united.
The 1977 Appendix documents written by Harbhajan Sohi were taken as the Organisation’s international line.
In Punjab it played a vanguard role in leading the movement and no organization contributed more on the theoretical or practical plane ..This organization made a major contribution in the revolutionary democratic movement in the Khalistani period with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L and developed cores of mass revolutionary resistance against the Khalistani Terrorism.
Major mass resistance rallies were led by a mass resistance front formed by them at Moga in 1987 and at Sewawla in 1991 and 1992.
True they were unable to work in all districts of Punjab (Their Front functioned principally in Ludhiana ,Faridkot and Bhatinda districts and was inactive in many districts)) and and a revolutionary peasant movement had not been built statewide but their experience was a heroic lesson
It also played a major role in the building of mass agarian revolutionary line of the Adivasi movement in Malkangiri in Orissa.
In Andhra Pradesh it’s forces attempted to consolidate the Srikakulam Girijan movement ’The most significant contribution of this organization was the theoretical and practical correctness on the relationship of mass organizations with the Party
It stressed on the Party functioning democratically within the mass organizations and helping them develop their democratic identity.One major theoretical development was the stand on elections where they explained how conditions were not accessible for carrying out tactics of ‘active boycot’t or participation in Parliamentary elections.
There were also units in Rajasthan and Maharashtra where Trade Union and Democratic Rights work was consolidatedand efforts made to have correct mass approach on trade Union Front.Played an important role in guiding the democratic Rights movement in Mumbai in Maharashtra wit correct perspective particularly in times of 1992-93 riots, and state repression in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.In West Bengal trade Union movement was consolidated and major trade Union struggles were led capturing the Unions.
It also had revolutionary peasant Movement work in Bihar which later was absorbed by the Party Unity Section.For some time some struggles carrying the torch of the mass line were implemented ,particulary against the Bhagalpur riots in 1989. Inspite of split in 1988 of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) the All-India Federation of Organizations for democratic Rights.formed in 1982. flourished in it’s total capability with significant sammelan in 1990.
In the author’s view inspite of such a theoretically strong line was unable to inspire an Effective All-India Campaign through mass platforms to expose the fact that it was revisionism that had collapsed in 1989 and not Socialism.
A sustained campaign as a mass political level should have been organized to defend Mao Tse Tung Thought and Socialism.
Also perhaps not sufficiently consolidated the mass agrarian revolutionary line by developing peoples armed squards or rd defense corpses so much needed to ssuatin paeasnt’s resistance.. It is debatable wheter it was premature to carry out an armed struggle in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar in certain regions considering strength of peasnt movement.(It had an organsiation in Bihar that time which later disaffiliated itself).
There was also arguably not enough of practice in resistance against state terrorism during the Khalistani era with more emphasis on the Khalistani forces than the state and inadequate revolutionary armed protection or self-defence aginst the Khalistani fascists as shown in Sewewal in 1009 when 18 mass activists were martyred
B.Formation of the C.P.I.M.L Janashakti-1992
The Janasahakti Group was formed in 1992 by the merger of the Ramchandran Group,the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Muktigami group),the Pyla Vasudeva Group the West Bengal Co-ordination committee led by Parimal Dasgupta,the CP.I.M.L led by Konkan Mazumdar.It was a most opportunist Unity. Without resolving major issues for uniting they merged into a single organization. Suddenly they said that the formation of the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.ML was correct and at the same time upheld the lines of T.Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy!In no time this group split into 5 different Organisations.
The organization although having armed squads in many areas came out openly and disturbed the mass movement.(Like in Punjab)In Andhra Pradesh they held a joint all India Peasant Conference against Imperialist dictates of the I.M.F .In the trade Union Movement they led struggles but exhibited powerful economist tendencies. In the opinion of the author the organization today has it’s major sections in the revisionist camps ,while has a small section in the Northern parts, which sides with the C.P.I.Maoist and may possibly merge with them. (Signed a joint statement on boycott of elections with C.P.I.Maoist as well as on anti repressionand anti-communal issues)
As a result of disunity and theoretical weakness is no more a serious revolutionary force.It still has several revolutionary cadres and the Rajanna faction in Andhra Pradesh is still a militant one.,carrying armed struggle at a marginal level.
One of the most predominant features in the history of the post naxalbari communsit movement was the trend of splits and right opportunism A most predominant component was Comrade Satyanarayan Singh and to an extent Chandra Pulla Reddy.S,N Singh supported the Jayaparakash Narayan movement in 1974 and later after emergency supported an Anti-Soviet United front thus advocating alliance with erstwhile U.S.S.R which was social -imperilaist..S.N Singh supported the Janata party claiming it was a more progessive force to fascism.Although Chandra Pulla Reddy which united with S.N.Singh split in 1980 it was a persecutor of C.P.I.(M.L) Janashakti,which was one of the most opprtunist unities ever in the post-naxalbari period amongst naxalite groups.It was a great lesson for cr's and cadres about the consequences of opportunist Unity.C.P.I.(M.L)
Resistance,UCCRI(M.L.)Muktigami ,Plya Vasudevea group,C.P.I.(M.L.)Khonkan majumdar.Coodination Commitee of Communist revolutionaries led by Parimal Dasgupta etc merged.
It was a total jamboori opportunistically merging the trends of Charu Majumdar ,Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy.In no time they split into about 6 groups.Significantly both the C.P.Reddy and UCCRI(M.L.) sections had a series of splits from the early 1980's and hardly gave historic respect to the important differences between Chandra Pulla Reddy and T.Nagi Reddy.C.P.Reddy had comited left adventurist deviation from the T.N.DV.Rao line by claiming for adventurist armed s quad actions in the area of the A.P.CCR.Without analyzing this historic mistake they decided to unite.Infact C.P.Reddy vice Vera claimed that TN-DV practice was economist and surrendering
Without consulting the State Commite Chandra Pulla Redy called for armed squad actions.The line of participation in elections of SN.Singh-C.P.Reddy caused havoc to the communist revolutionary movement just like Vinod Mishra had earlier.Today in the camp still some section shave not made a critical review of the S.N.Singh-C.P.Reddy line.
No doubt both made a significant contribution,particulary C.P.,Redy but like the Erstwhile constituent section sof the Maoist party like the Andhra pradesh State Committee made of Charu Mazumdar in1974.under Kondappali Seetharamiah.The staunch followers of Nagi Reddy-dv.rao claim thta Chandra OPulla Redy was similar to Charu Mazumdar.Both T.N and D.V made a strong critic sim of Chandra Pulla Reddy. Proletarian Line publication s has reproduced those writings.
In the early 1970's Just like they wrote about Charu Majumdar,DV and TN felt S.N.Singh and C.P.Reddy in essence were no different from Charu and supported line of individual assassination.
Later the Viswam section maerged with the C.P.I.(M.L.) of Kanu Sanyal that later smerged with the C.P.I.(M.L.) Red Star group b but after a short while spilt again.
UK Election Polls Tighten to Three Points Between May and Corbyn plus Lenin in 1917 Remembered
Democracy and Class Struggle give reminders to Social Democrats about Democracy from Lenin in 1917 in quotes below.
The smashing of the British State has never been a social democratic aim - that was the aim of James Connolly and John Maclean and revolutionary communism but not of the "British" Communist Party from the 1920's despite its talk of a Soviet Britain.
For the process of national and social liberation social forces are required to smash the British State - to liberate the nations of the British Isles.
Revolutionary communists have long recognised that necessity but revisionists and social democrats have opposed that lethal combination for the British State under guise of a fake internationalism which turns out to be bourgeois cosmopolitanism.
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Our Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks themselves share, and instil into the minds of the people, the false notion that universal suffrage “in the present-day state” is really capable of revealing the will of the majority of the working people and of securing its realization.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
the working class must break up, smash the “ready-made state machinery,” and not confine itself merely to laying hold of it.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
Democracy is a form of the state, it represents, on the one hand, the organized, systematic use of force against persons; but, on the other hand, it signifies the formal recognition of equality of citizens, the equal right of all to determine the structure of, and to administer, the state.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
Democracy for an insignificant minority, democracy for the rich — that is the democracy of capitalist society.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
The oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
The dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the organization of the vanguard of the oppressed as the ruling class for the purpose of suppressing the oppressors, cannot result merely in an expansion of democracy. Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time becomes democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the money-bags, the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of restrictions on the freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
And so in capitalist society we have a democracy that is curtailed, wretched, false, a democracy only for the rich, for the minority. The dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition to communism, will for the first time create democracy for the people, for the majority, along with the necessary suppression of the exploiters, of the minority.
Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)
TigerSwan Military Firm "Used War on Terror" Tactics Against Standing Rock Protest
Leaked documents reveal that the company behind the Dakota Access Pipeline, hired the private security firm TigerSwan to target Native water protectors at Standing Rock. We talk to Will Parrish, one of three reporters who broke this story for The Intercept, and Dallas Goldtooth, an organizer with the Indigenous Environmental Network
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