Saturday, February 5, 2011
The Communist Party of Iran (MLM) has fallen into the lost road of "post MLM"
By the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist)
Introduction:
The document of the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist Leninist Maoist) Central Committee that has been published under the title "Call for All Iranian Communists: Two roads for Communism" is an Iranian version of the post Marxism Leninism Maoism of the new statement and the Constitution of the American Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP USA) and carries every single basic feature of that line within itself. However, on certain points, this document talks more bluntly and clearly than the new Constitution of the RCP USA and, occasionally talks more in a more mixed up fashion than that one.
The Iranian document is basically an international topic and therefore it must be presented for discussion on an international communist movement level rather than solely Call for All Iranian Communists.
For many years the CPI MLM has been one of the important members of the Revolutionary International Movement and their representatives have played key roles alongside representatives of a couple of other parties on this Movement's leading committee. Thus it would have been necessary for the CPI MLM to bring its discussion in its new document first with the RIM related parties, including ours (The Communist Party of Afghanistan – Maoist) as an internal document as opposed to a call to every Iranian communist--an unprecedented act.
The text of the document exposes who the CPI MLM means by "all Iranian Communists". They are leftover various Fedaee guerrilla groups, Worker-Communist groups, different types of pro- Russian, Chinese and Hoxhaite groups such as Komeleh, Ranjbaran, Toofan and others associated who all are self proclaimed Iranian communists.
Firstly: Given that the Central Committee of the CPI MLM calls upon all communists of Iran in regard to an international topic, therefore the group is calling all communists of the world to publicize the RCP USA's manifesto on an international level. Such an approach cannot have any meaning except unconditionally tailing the RCP USA's manifesto without any amendment or notes added to it.
Secondly: This Iranian ideological-political and organizational disbanding directed toward the Revolutionary International Movement and all of its member including our party is a regressive move to completely destroy the ideological, political and organizational body of the RIM. This is why the document considers the CPI MLM belonging to the RIM and the general MLM movement as a historical factor, saying:
"Historically … this party belonged to the Marxist Leninist Maoist movement (actually Revolutionary Internationalist Movement-RIM)…"
Thirdly: Despite all the internationalist claims of the document, its working focus is not on advancing the international communist movement or regional communist movement. Rather, it is looking to become the banner holder of the Iranian communists in the so called "second wave of proletarian revolution." That is its reason to call upon those groups saying: "This is a historical opportunity for communists of Iran to become the banner holder of the proletarian revolution's second wave by relying upon the suitable objective conditions."
Limited Iranian nationalism is obvious within this document. This is one of the reasons that like other members of the RIM, the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist) is ignored totally, and rather a rainbow of phony Iranian communists from pro China, Russia and Enver Hoxaite up to "Worker-Communists" are spoken to. This Iranian reductionism has another side as well. Unfortunately the major forces of the Iranian communist movement have been in the past and still are the Tudehist (pro Soviet,) Fadaee-ists (originally Che Guevara minded but later pro Soviet reformists) and other lines rather than the Maoists.
Unlike what can be seen in Afghanistan, Turkey or India, the Maoist line in Iran is not the major line within the colorful spectrum of the communism in Iran. Due to its own historical and social limits and weakness it is constantly ignored by various Fedaee groups and recently the Worker-Communists. The Central Committee of CPI MLM's recent document is a form of condescension toward this short sided spectrum. This condescension began from the third plenum of the Central Committee of this party in 2006 that was presented in a document called "Reconstruction of the Communist Movement" and now it is more theorized. Right then we told them during an internal movement discussion that the framework presented in that document would lead ideological struggle against the phony communists of Iran to a dead-end, and the CPI MLM's insistence on it would lead them gradually more and more condescend to them on a lower level.
The condescension of the CPI MLM in this document toward the phony Iranian communists will mislead the whole so called communist movement of Iran more than before and clearly will cause the short time or medium time destruction, or further poverty and weakness of the Iranian Maoists.
The matters written in "Call for All Iranian Communists: Two Roads for Communism" can be discussed from different angles. But in this current piece we limit our discussion to the two matters that in our view contains the post Marxist-Leninist-Maoist line that is all over this document. One of them is the general negation of the theory and framework of Marxism, Leninism, Maoism, and the other one is the absolutist perception of the role theory plays. Additionally in a section called What is to be Done, we present the general framework of the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist)'s draft response for theoretical and practical matters of the international communist movement and the RIM in particular.
Restudying “A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire”
by the Writing Group of the Yunnan Provincial
Committee of the Communist Party of China
[This article is reprinted from Peking Review, #7-8, Feb. 25, 1972, pp. 10-12.]
For the original article written by Mao ZeDong in 1930 here is a link
http://nickglais-springthunder.blogspot.com/2011/02/single-spark-can-start-prairie-fire-by.html
TODAY when socialist revolution and socialist construction in China are forging ahead and when the revolutionary struggle of the world’s people is advancing, we are tremendously inspired by restudying our great leader Chairman Mao’s A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire. The development of history has proved that Chairman Mao’s correct line reflects the objective law of the Chinese revolution and all the erroneous lines that have appeared run counter to this law.
Chairman Mao’s thesis that “a single spark can start a prairie fire” is a Marxist-Leninist scientific foresight and revolutionary truth, and it will always inspire us to advance triumphantly along Chairman Mao’s correct line.
Correct Analysis of Revolutionary Situation
A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire was a well-known letter written by Chairman Mao in the early stage of the Second Revolutionary Civil War (1927-37) in criticism of pessimistic ideas in the Party. Following the defeat of the momentous revolution in 1927, the revolution was temporarily at a low ebb throughout the country. At this crucial juncture, there was in the Party an extremely intense struggle between the two lines centring around the basic question of how to appraise the revolutionary situation and future and what road the Chinese revolution should take.
Frightened to death by Chiang Kai-shek’s bloody massacre, the Right capitulationists represented by Chen Tu-hsiu were pessimistic about the future of the revolution. Raving that China’s democratic revolution had ended and that the proletariat could only wait for some future day to stage a “socialist revolution,” they slid from capitulationism to liquidationism. The “Left” putschists represented by Chu Chiu-pai, on the other hand, refused to admit that the great revolution had failed and, mistakenly regarding China’s revolutionary situation as a “permanent upsurge,” tried to organize, with the big cities as the centres, a series of local uprisings which had no prospect of success. If the “Left” or Right opportunist lines had been followed, the result could only have been the end of the Chinese revolution. With fearless proletarian revolutionary spirit, Chairman Mao waged a tit-for-tat struggle against the opportunist lines of Chen Tu-hsiu and Chu Chiu-pai and opened the way to victory for the Chinese revolution.
Lenin, great teacher of the revolution, pointed out: “Marxism requires of us a strictly exact and objectively verifiable analysis of the relations of classes and of the concrete features peculiar to each historical situation.” (Letters on Tactics.) Whether a correct appraisal of the balance of class forces and of the situation in class struggle can be made or not is a precondition of whether the correct line and policies can be formulated and the proletarian revolution can be ensured to advance along the correct road.
In A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire, Chairman Mao began with the question of appraising the current situation. Scientifically analysing the contradictions in Chinese society and the situation in class struggle at that time, Chairman Mao pointed out clearly that “the counter-revolutionary tide had begun to ebb and the revolutionary tide to rise again,” that the revolutionary force’s “growth is not only possible but indeed inevitable,” and that “all China is littered with dry faggots which will soon be aflame.” Though the revolution was temporarily at a low ebb at that time, Chairman Mao optimistically foresaw that the revolutionary high tide would soon arrive. “It is like a ship far out at sea whose mast-head can already be seen from the shore; it is like the morning sun in the east whose shimmering rays are visible from a high mountain top; it is like a child about to be born moving restlessly in its mother’s womb.”
Contrary to Chairman Mao’s scientific thesis, those persons in the Party persistently maintaining pessimistic ideas tailed after Chen Tu-hsiu’s liquidationism and, considering the situation at that time completely bleak, spread all kinds of pessimism. They did not believe that the revolutionary high tide was imminent and held that the situation “gave no cause for optimism” and that the prospects of victory were “remote.” They even asked the question: “How long can we keep the Red Flag flying?” Misled by the transient phenomenon of an overcast sky and frightened by the Kuomintang reactionaries’ attacks, the pessimists began to waver in working for the cause of the people’s revolution.
Debunking Myths about the Egyptian Revolution - Tariq Ramadan and Slavoj Zizek
Here is a comment by Atef Said on the current situation in Egypt
"There is a dominant narrative that if there is regime change in Egypt, this will bring a radical extremist government. This narrative is spread by Mubarak’s regime, Israel, U.S. government officials, and the mainstream media in the U.S. This is absolutely not true. In fact, the Muslim Brotherhood refused to participate in the January 25 protests, watched for three days, and then decided to join them. In 2005, the MB struck a deal to win 88 seats in parliament -- according to interview with their former leader. Youth in the streets denounce the religious chants encouraged by the Muslim Brotherhood.
A common slogan in the demonstrations nationwide is: We need a democratic civilian government, not a sectarian government, not a government of thieves. On January 30, Mubarak pressured Christian leaders and the al-Azhar Shaikh to say in public that they still support Mubarak. Today in response, many Egyptian Christian demonstrators carried crosses. Some demonstrators have chanted: Shaikhs and Popes, shut the Fuck Up.
Christians and Muslims were injured and killed together in these demonstrations. No single Muslim Brotherhood leader who was interviewed in the media dares to claim the revolt for their organization. They cannot steal this revolution.To be fair to the Muslim Brotherhood, they have paid a heavy price under Mubarak’s repression. Moreover, they are known to be quite pragmatic in their politics"
Friday, February 4, 2011
Movements in Egypt : US Realigns by Samir Amin
With Hosni Mubarak on a tentative footing, a US which once propped him up would now turn to a Muslim Brotherhood (MB) it regards as ‘moderate’, writes Samir Amin. But with the fundamental economic conditions which produced the social unrest in the first place unlikely to change much, and with the working-class and peasants’ movement yet to be fully involved, the same problems will remain, Amin concludes.
Egypt is a cornerstone in the US plan of control of the planet. Washington will not tolerate any attempt of Egypt to move out of its total submission, also required by Israel in order to pursue its colonisation of what remains from Palestine. This is the exclusive target of Washington in its ‘involvement’ in the organisation of a ‘soft transition’. In that respect the US may consider that Hosni Mubarak should resign. The newly appointed vice-president, Omar Soliman, head of army intelligence, would be in charge. The army was careful not to associate with the repression, thus protecting its image.
Mohamed ElBaradei comes in at that point. He is still more known outside than in Egypt, but could correct that quickly. He is a ‘liberal’, having no concept of the management of the economy other than the ongoing, and cannot understand that this is precisely at the origin of the social devastation. He is a democrat in the sense that he wants ‘true elections’ and the respect of law (stop arrests and torture), but nothing more.
It is not impossible that he would be a partner in the transition. Yet the army and the country’s intelligence will not abandon their dominant position in the ruling of the society. Will ElBaradei accept it?
In case of ‘success’ and ‘elections’, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) will become the major parliamentary force. The US welcomes this and has qualified the MB as ‘moderate’, that is, docile and accepting the submission to the US strategy, leaving Israel free to continue its occupation of Palestine. The MB is also fully in favour of the ongoing ‘market’ system, totally externally dependent. They are also, in fact, partners in the ‘compradore’ ruling class. They took a position against the working-class strikes and the peasants’ struggles to keep their ownership of land.
The US plan for Egypt is very similar to the Pakistani model, a combination of ‘political Islam’ and army intelligence.
The MB could compensate their alignment on such a policy by precisely being ‘not moderate’ in their behaviour towards the Copts. Can such a system be delivered a certificate of ‘democracy’?
The movement is that of urban youth, particularly holders of diplomas with no jobs, and supported by segments of the educated middle classes and democrats. The new regime could perhaps make some concessions – enlarge the recruitment in the state apparatus, for example – but hardly more.
Of course things could change if the working-class and peasants’ movement moves in. But this does not seem to be on the agenda. Of course as long as the economic system is managed in accordance with the rules of the ‘globalisation game’, none of the problems which resulted in the protest movement can really be solved.
* Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum and chair of the World Forum for Alternatives.
source for this article :
Maoism the Highest Stage of Marxism Leninism
In the new revolutionary upsurge in North Afrika we do not see the three magic weapons that Mao Zedong said that are required for the science of revolution, the Party, the Army and the United Front.
Whilst there are some Maoist Organisations in North Afrika and the Arab World they are small at this time.
The masses yearn to go beyond bourgeois democratic neo liberal politics and economics but the communist movement because of the rise of modern revisionism is still weak and not yet capable of becoming the revolutionary leadership.
There is still no Mao from the Nile Delta so feared by the Nasserists, Islamists and the Imperialists.
However Marxism Leninism Maoism is still young and is a powerful ideology that will grow expotentially in periods of revolutionary crisis like the current one has people seek answers has to why the movements are being hi jacked by the elites.
Study the Course on Marxism Leninism Maoism produced by Indian comrades here :
http://nickglais-springthunder.blogspot.com/2011/01/marxism-leninism-maoism-basic-course.html
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