Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Scottish Independence vote fraud: Postal ballots were being opened before referendum



Ruth Davidson of the Better Together campaign said on referendum night that postal ballots across Scotland were being opened to 'sample which way the vote would go'.

This is in direct contradiction to statements from the Scottish Electoral Commission that postal ballots could not be opened until they were added to the on-site polling station ballots made on September 18th.

In the run-up to that night, all they were supposed to do was to "open covering envelope ‘B’ and remove the postal voting statement and ballot paper envelope 'A', then check that the number on the postal voting statement in envelope 'B' matches the number on the ballot paper envelope ‘A’" *

This is further circumstantial evidence of widespread voter fraud committed during the Scottish referendum campaign.

The relevant legislation is the Scottish Independence Referendum Act 2013, Schedule 7.7.d :
7)Every person attending the proceedings in connection with the issue or the receipt of ballot papers for persons voting by post in the referendum must maintain and aid in maintaining the secrecy of voting in the referendum and must not
(a)except for a purpose authorised by law, communicate, before the poll is closed, to any person any information obtained at those proceedings as to the official mark,
(b)except for a purpose authorised by law, communicate to any person at any time any information obtained at those proceedings as to the unique identifying number on the back of any ballot paper sent to any person,
(c)except for a purpose authorised by law, attempt to ascertain at the proceedings in connection with the receipt of ballot papers the unique identifying number on the back of any ballot paper, or
(d)attempt to ascertain at the proceedings in connection with the receipt of the ballot papers the outcome for which any vote is given in any particular ballot paper or communicate any information with respect thereto obtained at those proceedings.


Please read correspondence with Scottish Electoral Commission on Postal Ballots below :

On the days around the referendum I had an email exchange with the Electoral Commission. I wanted to find out what the procedure for maintaining the security and integrity of ballet boxes in transit was. And also what procedures were in place to protect the postal vote framework from rigging.

Below is the full exchange in chronology order. You'll notice that I didn't get any direct answers to my specific inquiries. I was send a documents contain procedures and a link to further details - in neither of these are guidelines for dealing with the issues I asked about. Read for your self. Please contact me if you have any questions about these emails...

[My first message to the Electoral Commission]
Dear Sir/Madam, Please can you provided me details of the practical measures that you have put in place to ensure that the outcome of the Scottish independence referendum is a true representation of the will of voters in Scotland? i. e., that genuine ballet boxes are not swapped for rigged ballet boxes in transit etc etc. Yours sincerely, .....
-----
[The first reply]
On 15 Sep 2014 15:59, Alexandra wrote:
Dear ......,

Thank you for your e-mail, which raises a very valid concern. I hope the following information answers your query:

The postal votes will be counted along with the standard votes.

It is important to note that all 32 local counts in the referendum on independence for Scotland are supervised by senior staff and are observed by some, if not all, of the following:

The Electoral Commission
Counting Agents from various registered campaign groups
Neutral observers who have been accredited through the Electoral Commission’s electoral observation scheme

If you have any further questions please do not hesitate to contact me.

Regards,

Alexandra
---------------
[My second email to them]
From:
Sent: 15 September 2014 17:27
To: Alexandra Cowell
Subject: Re: your query

Dear Alexandra,
Thank you for your reply and for information regarding the actual count.
I would like information regarding the full sum of measures a compete process, that I assume you have in place, and that you are implementing, to ensure a robust and secure process from voter registration to result declaration?
I assume this information is outlined in a document held by you?
Kind regards,
.........
-------------
[They're second reply]
On 16/09/14 09:47, Alexandra Cowell wrote:
Dear ......,

Thanks for your reply, and I’m sorry my first email didn’t address all of your concerns. As you can imagine, the measures we are taking to ensure a secure process are highly detailed, and we don’t have a bullet point list of them, however you can read all the information and guidance for the conduct for the referendum online here– links on the left hand side. Please feel free to contact me as often as you like with any questions.

Best wishes,

Alexandra
-------------------
[My third email to them]
From: ...
Sent: 19 September 2014 15:15
To: Alexandra Cowell
Subject: Re: your query

Dear Alexandra,
Please can you outline: the protocol for receiving, storing and securing all postal votes from receipt of envelopes to inclusion in the count?; the protocol for transfer of ballet boxes from polling stations to count locations and inclusion in the count?.
Are there region total or over all total counts for postal votes alone (i.e., what are the total postal votes for yes and no)? If not, what is the reasoning for this?
Best wishes,
....
------------------
[They're third and final reply]
Dear ....,

I’ve attached a couple of documents (one attachment, one link below), which outline the guidelines issued by Elections Scotland, and overseen by the Office of the Chief Counting Officer.

Addressing your second question, there is no separate count for postal votes alone. In the run-up to the polling day, the Counting Officer would have undertaken a number of postal vote opening sessions, which can be witnessed by approved observers. During these sessions the personal identifiers (signature and date of birth) are verified. Where these match, the ballot papers are stored securely and taken to the count on polling day, where they are then added to the ballot papers from polling stations. Postal votes would also have been handed in on polling day to the council offices and polling stations, and the identifiers checked prior to commencement of the count. However, once the postal vote identifiers have been verified, the postal votes are added to the on-site count, thereby rendering them indistinguishable from the on-site ballots.

I hope that the links below will provide some answers to your questions. Following the links, I have also excerpted some immediately relevant information:
Helpful links:

n [Link] n [Link]

I hope this helps, but, as always, please let me know if I can be of any further assistance. (I should just let you know that Tuesday, 23 September is my last day with The Electoral Commission, but I will forward all my correspondence to a colleague before I leave.)

Best,
Alexandra
-------------;;;;;
Text from the attached document mentioned in the email above...
Postal vote opening procedure
5.23 The processes to be followed when opening postal ballot packs are provided for in legislation

Stage 1: opening of the postal voters box
 count the number of returned postal ballot packs (i.e., the number of envelopes ‘B’ in the postal voters ballot box)
 open covering envelope ‘B’ and remove the postal voting statement and ballot paper envelope
 check the number on the postal voting statement matches the number on the ballot paper envelope (envelope ‘A’)
 place a mark in the postal voters list or postal proxy voters list as appropriate to show that a postal voting statement has been returned

Stage 2: checking the personal identifiers
 check that the voter has signed the statement and given a date of birth
 check the signature and date of birth on the postal voting statement matches those on the personal identifiers record

 if you reject a postal voting statement, you must mark it as “rejected”, attach it to the ballot paper envelope and place it in the receptacle for rejected votes. If there is no ballot paper envelope, you must attach the statement to the ballot paper. Before placing it in the receptacle, you must show it to any agents present and, if any of them object to your decision, you must add the words “rejection objected to”.75 You should record the reason for the rejection
 where the voter has been granted a waiver, there will be no signature to check.

Stage 3: opening of postal ballot paper envelopes
 open the ballot paper envelope (envelope ‘A’) and remove the ballot paper, ensuring the ballot paper is kept face down at all times
 check the number on the ballot paper envelope (envelope ‘A’) matches the unique identifying number on the back of the ballot paper
 place the ballot paper in the postal ballot box
[End of exchange]
Any thoughts?


SOURCE

* http://www.sott.net/article/286057-Scottish-referendum-result-undoubtedly-rigged#comment112557


The relevant legislation is the Scottish Independence Referendum Act 2013, Schedule 7.7.d :
7)Every person attending the proceedings in connection with the issue or the receipt of ballot papers for persons voting by post in the referendum must maintain and aid in maintaining the secrecy of voting in the referendum and must not

(a)except for a purpose authorised by law, communicate, before the poll is closed, to any person any information obtained at those proceedings as to the official mark,

(b)except for a purpose authorised by law, communicate to any person at any time any information obtained at those proceedings as to the unique identifying number on the back of any ballot paper sent to any person,

(c)except for a purpose authorised by law, attempt to ascertain at the proceedings in connection with the receipt of ballot papers the unique identifying number on the back of any ballot paper, or

(d)attempt to ascertain at the proceedings in connection with the receipt of the ballot papers the outcome for which any vote is given in any particular ballot paper or communicate any information with respect thereto obtained at those proceedings.



SEE ALSO:

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/09/scotland-where-do-all-secret-ballots-go.html


http://www.change.org/p/court-of-session-review-scottish-independence-referendum?recruiter=150210260&utm_campaign=signature_receipt&utm_medium=email&utm_source=share_petition


http://www.change.org/p/alex-salmond-we-the-undersigned-demand-a-revote-of-the-scottish-referendum-counted-by-impartial-international-parties?share_id=hfaGelnhhT&utm_campaign=autopublish&utm_medium=facebook&utm_source=share_petition


Monday, September 22, 2014

Democracy and Class Struggle welcomes the Statement to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with People's War in India - in particular its rejection of the Prachanda- Bhattarai clique and the hollow claims of Avakianism



"The betrayal of the people’s war in Nepal by the CPN (Maoist) leadership, particularly the Prachanda-Bhattarai clique, was the most damaging of its acts.

The possibility of forcing the enemies of the people to drop their guise as saviours of democracy fighting obscurantist fanatics and bringing them into direct confrontation with a revolutionary people, of raising the banners of a people’s war led by Maoists as a rallying centre against imperialism and reaction, of winning over broad sections of the people to the cause of communism, was destroyed.

From another end we see a liquidationist attack on our ideology that seeks to pull down the banners of a MLM and replace it with the hollow claims of Avakianism.

This has already destroyed some Maoist parties, who once had an honourable place in the ranks of the ICM.

Both of these deviations have been confronted by the Maoists and the struggle continues.

Efforts are on to consolidate Maoist parties and build new ones.

But the loss is evident.

There is a considerable drop in the subjective forces of world proletarian revolution, caused not by enemy suppression, but by the enemies emerging from within it"


Central Committee, CPI(Maoist)

10 September 2014

FULL STATEMENT HERE :

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/09/message-to-milan-international.html


DEMOCRACY AND CLASS STRUGGLE 2012 STATEMENT ON PRACHANDA BHATTARAI CLIQUE AND AVAKIANISM

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2012/12/post-maoism-myth-propagated-by-rcpusas.html



Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India : 10 Years of The Communist Party of India Maoist

 


To all the delegates who have gathered in this Conference,

To all the parties, organisations and individuals who have worked to organise it,

To the International Committee to support the people’s war in India that is leading this Conference,

Warmest revolutionary greetings and heartfelt Lal Salam from the CPI (Maoist) and the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), Revolutionary People’s Committees (RPCs), Revolutionary Mass Organisations and revolutionary people of India, it leads.

We greet you especially with the joy of celebrating the momentous 10th anniversary of the foundation of our party and with deep appreciation of your organising this Conference in conjunction with these celebrations exactly in the condition of great turmoil in the world. The formation of the CPI (Maoist) which united the two major revolutionary streams in India realised a dream long cherished by the revolutionaries and masses. In its 10 years of its existence 2332 comrades, including members of the Politbureau, Central Committee, State, Region, District, Sub-zone, Area and Village level party committees, primary party members and many more of the PLGA and the United Front, have made the supreme sacrifice to fulfil the revolutionary tasks it had set itself. We pay homage to these martyrs, to the revolutionary masses who have willingly suffered loss of lives and unimaginable repression to participate and support the people’s war, and to all those who laid down their lives for the great cause of communism throughout the world.

For us the celebration of the 10th anniversary of our party is an opportunity to take stock of our achievements and shortcomings. The PLGA, People’s Militia and revolutionary masses led by it have waged heroic political and military battles against a heavily armed and trained enemy, guided and backed by imperialism, particularly US imperialism. Our comrades in jail have written splendid tales of resistance. We celebrate these achievements, aware of our shortcomings, in order to forge ahead along the path of protracted people’s war.


Comrades,

Allow us to first place an account of the past ten years.

During this period our party, the PLGA, RPCs and all the revolutionary mass organisations led by it have striven hard to realise the tasks we shouldered at the time of its formation. In 2007, defeating the persistent attempts made by the enemy to thwart us, we successfully convened our long cherished Unity Congress, the 9th Congress. This enabled us to further deepen and enrich our ideological, political unity. An exhaustive review was made of the achievements and drawbacks, successes and failures, of the two and half years since the merger. Along with central and principal task other important tasks were set. The leadership was further strengthened. Thus, our party emerged from the Congress, more sharp in its ideological-political positions, more consolidated in its unity, more steeled in its determination and fighting spirit, to fulfil its tasks as the vanguard of the new democratic revolution of India, as a contingent of the international proletariat.

Since 2004, and more so after the Congress, the PLGA took major strides through arduous efforts and carried out heroic raids and ambushes. It advanced from company level formations, is taking initial steps in forming battalions, and improved its capacity of command and coordination of its primary, secondary and base forces. This has allowed it to attack and completely annihilate the Indian state’s mercenary para-military forces, in general at the platoon level, and in particular at the company level in the Mukaram battle. It has built up a broad People’s Militia, numbering in the thousands. This has been instrumental in defeating counter- revolutionary vigilante groups such as the Salwa Judum and Sendra, etc. where the enemy tries to ‘turn the people against the people’. The People’s Militia and the revolutionary masses have also been of great importance in the PLGA’s successes in major battles.

This period also gave important lessons in revolutionary mass struggles and co-ordination between armed and mass struggles. We must particularly note that this was done under conditions where almost all open mass organisations linked to our party, or even suspected to have relations to it, are banned and its members hunted, murdered or imprisoned. In the midst of this persecution, fully aware that the ‘masses are the real creators of history and we communists are mere children’, we have persisted in building mass organisations suited to the conditions and mobilising the masses in the hundreds of thousands. We led some major mass struggles that took the form of mass upsurges. New forms of struggle and organisation emerged, such as those in Lalgarh and Narayanpatna. Conducive ground was laid for the consolidation of an anti-feudal, anti-imperialist front. In many other parts of the country big struggles broke out where the masses came forward to defend their land. They fought against plans to displace them for the sake of opening big mines, dams and other pro-imperialist, pro-ruling class projects. We supported these struggles and led some of them. This gave us rich experiences in leading mass struggles, uniting a wide variety of forces. These struggles brought out the leading role of the party and the people’s war it leads. They were of immense help in extending the war zones and expanding the party and the PLGA through winning over new forces.

Another important arena of struggle is gradually expanding inside the prisons. Several thousands are in jail. Several Central and District and sub-jails in about 20 States have reverberated with the hunger strikes, at times indefinite, on the demands of political prisoners. Through their activities our comrades in jail have succeeded in mobilising ordinary prisoners to fight for their rights. Democratic organisations and forces are also playing a key role in this even amid severe countrywide repression. Support activities and struggles demanding release of all political prisoners have spread out across the country and internationally. The solidarity activities you have taken up in support of political prisoners in India were specially important and we cherish them as a glowing example of internationalism.

Over these ten years the party has further developed its capacities in different fields. It has actively engaged in ideological struggle against various deviations within the country and at the international level. It played a key role in the formation and functioning of the Co-ordination Centre of Maoist Parties and Organisations in South Asia (CCOMPOSA).

The party has paid attention to raise its ideological level through systematic study classes and rectification campaigns. Study material and magazines are published in various languages. Special effort was taken to develop study/propaganda material in adivasi languages. Syllabus and texts prepared for basic education were further enriched. These are used in the schools run by the RPCs and for the education of PLGA combatants and members of the mass organisations.

An exceptional contribution of the party is that of arousing the women who are half the sky and developing their capacities in political, organisational, military, cultural and other spheres so that they can lay claim to their share in struggle. Today around 40 percent of the fighting force of the PLGA consists of women, though the percentage varies in various guerrilla zones. Women are commanders at the platoon level and members of company level party committees.

The party has paid a lot of attention to develop revolutionary cultural activities. Mass cultural organisations exist in many States from village to State level. They spread the message of revolution and promote democratic and scientific values through multifarious cultural forms that learn from and develop national, ethnic cultural traditions and styles. They motivate the people to struggle for radical change. Their cultural messages also play the role of an instrument of rectification that attacks the reactionary values of the old society gripping the minds of the masses. These organisations are powerful weapons linking the party with the broad masses. Apart from these mass organisations, armed cultural groups are formed within the PLGA too, at the company and battalion levels.

Most importantly, through the planned work taken up after the formation of the united party, we could expand some guerrilla bases as a transitory step towards the establishment of liberated areas. We succeeded in consolidating Revolutionary People’s Committees (RPC) in several villages in these bases. The guerrilla bases enabled us to carry out strategic tasks to further consolidate and expand them to advance the revolutionary war. More people’s political power organs emerged in the period after the Congress. In Telengana and Andhra Pradesh several RPCs had been formed in the past.

Though there had been a setback in these States, the people who had enjoyed political power are fighting to overcome the situation with that inspiration. In Dandakaranya (Chhattisgarh), several Area level revolutionary people’s governments were formed earlier. A few Division (District) level people’ governments have also started functioning. This is a new experience in the history of the revolutionary movement in our country. They are placing an alternative political, economic and cultural model in front of the Indian people by rejecting the fake democratic system and the pseudo reforms of the exploiting governments. These people’s governments are striving to increase the agricultural production of the people through their cooperative and collective labour while working very hard to march forward to achieve self-sufficiency for the economic development of the people and to support the party and the PLGA. Thus we march forward to realise the central task of our revolution, the seizure of political power through armed struggle.

Following the formation of the united party in 2004, the enemy has redoubled its efforts to destroy the revolution by expanding the US imperialism guided ‘Low Intensity Conflict’ strategy to the entire country. It now acknowledges us as the ‘greatest threat’ to its security.

Through this strategy the enemy has paid special effort to attack and destroy our leadership. As you know it has succeeded in this to a significant extent, causing heavy losses. In 2009 it launched its even more ruthless, intensive and extensive suppression strategy, the ‘Operation Green Hunt’, the notorious ‘War on the People’. A grand plan was prepared to wipe us out, employing fascist methods. Huge forces, including special forces, were trained and concentrated. Thousands of crores of rupees were spent. Massive propaganda targeting us as anti- development and a bunch of terrorists was carried out. Intense combing operations, surprise attacks on our forces, attacks on our mass base in the war zones were conducted by mobilising a huge number of forces in every operation. Large scale arrests of activists of all people’s organisations in rural and urban areas and militia in all guerrilla zones, burning and destruction of houses, properties and crops, mass murder of people and mass raping of womenfolk and killing and taking away a large number of livestock had become a routine one, fake encounter killings continued, destruction of our urban networks, destruction of the infrastructure built up through the collective labour of the masses were combined with reform activities meant to sidetrack the people. In the face of this fascist onslaught we did suffer serious losses.

Led by the Central Committee, the whole party, PLGA, People’s Militia and revolutionary masses led by the RPCs and mass organisations, stood firm, learnt from our mistakes, redoubled efforts and hit back. Simultaneously we waged a political battle. We struck back exposing the enemy’s propaganda. This paved the way for a favourable political polarisation within the country. Progressives and democratic forces came forward along with revolutionaries to denounce the enemy’s Operation Green Hunt as a ‘War on the People’.

Internationally too a broad movement came up to build world public opinion against this assault of the Indian state. This reaffirms the capacity of our ideology to counter the enemy’s psychological war and gives us rich lessons.

In the wake of the severe mauling they suffered at the hands of the PLGA in a few tactical offensives where they were wiped out in large numbers, the enemy started taking up operations with even larger forces. The enemy who was successful in damaging the leadership and cadre in the urban and plain areas is now targeting the leadership in forest areas. The enemy has already engaged its 500,000 Central and State troops in these war zones and is planning to increase it by several thousands.

Drones are employed.

The Air Force is involved in a supportive role and the Army is being readied.

Facing these attacks the PLGA has gained rich experiences in battling and breaking the enemy’s ‘cordon and search’ campaigns, deploying at times a force of 10,000. The PLGA, with the full support of the people and with exemplary initiative, bravely fought hour long battles, even for three days, to break the enemy’s cordon and successfully defeated its plans to capture leadership comrades.

PLGA forces and people’s militia also fought back the tactics of the enemy of deploying the police and paramilitary forces through helicopters by firing on and damaging them with ordinary rifles.
While the tightening blockades, combing and attacks brought out the steel in the vast majority of our ranks, it has also exposed the rotten elements that had remained hidden among us. Liquidationists who pretend that protracted people’s war is not suited to our conditions, cowards who flee under different pretexts hopelessly trying to cover up their defeatism, traitors who sell out the people for the pittance thrown to them by the enemy – these trying times have uncovered them, one after the other. Among the masses some have “surrendered” under enemy brute force. Repeated and heavy attacks have caused great harm to the party structures in the villages and consequently to the RPCs and mass organisations too. A section of the masses have become passive.

In the first quarter of 2013, assessing the situation we face, the Central Committee had noted that the weaknesses in our subjective condition were uneven. It assessed that our countrywide movement is facing a very difficult condition. The reasons for this situation to arise are both objective and subjective. The Indian ruling classes, with the complete support and guidance of the imperialists, have launched an unprecedented multi-pronged countrywide strategic offensive to suppress our developing movement. We suffered some losses, lost some ground temporarily while withdrawing in the face of superior forces. The other reason for this is subjective, the mistakes we made in rising up to the demands of changing conditions of the revolutionary war and leading the PLGA and people, continuing remnants of non-proletarian tendencies in ourselves and failure in avoiding serious loses.

The Central Committee has formulated the basic tactics to overcome this situation. It issued a call to Bolshevise the party aimed at becoming capable of overcoming the present difficult condition and achieving it by educating the entire party in MLM, political and military line and basic policies, tactics, style of work of the party and fighting style of the PLGA, lessons learnt from practice, rectifying its mistakes and shortcomings and thus strengthening the party, PLGA and mass base and paving the way to advance the movement. Whatever may be the situation, we have a mighty weapon to tackle it. This is our ideology, MLM. Grasping it deeply and taking up this weapon ever more firmly; this is the crux of Bolshevising the party. This campaign is going on and the party and all the forces led by it are striving to develop their capacities to defeat the enemy’s onslaught.

During the past 15 months we put efforts to preserve our movement and leadership amid intensified enemy offensive. In the recent period the PLGA, with the support of the people, conducted tactical counter-offensive campaigns and several armed actions, annihilated enemy forces and seized arms and ammunitions. Thousands of people and people’s militia led by the PLGA destroyed road building equipment, vehicles, guest houses, and camp offices of the government and the big construction and mining companies. Along with starting Bolshevisation campaign in the entire party, PLGA mass organisation and United Front organisations, we could achieve some positive experiences in some parts and extend into some new strategic areas. We are striving hard for revival of the movement in some of the areas from where we had to retreat.

In areas where we have weakened the party is trying to face the situation with Bolshevik spirit. Facing heavy odds and losses, we are opening up a new war front in the Sahyadri (Western Ghats) border region of Karnataka-Keralam-Tamilnadu.

Our party’s efforts to rally the vast masses in both secret and open forms against the pro- imperialist policies that served the interests of the ruling classes implemented by the Central and State governments continued. Thousands of people held rallies and vented their ire demanding the withdrawal of the Central and State forces. They protested fake encounters, massacres, illegal arrests and atrocities on women, attacks on villages, loot and destruction of people’s properties and demanded the release of political prisoners. Revolutionary land reforms and people’s welfare programmes were conducted by RPCs by mobilising the masses and PLGA also participated in these programs.

The capture and execution of the hated Mahendra Karma, the main person responsible for the brutal Salwa Judum atrocities was a major achievement. Responding to the call of the party the people in rural Dandakaranya (DK) boycotted the Chhattisgarh assembly and parliament elections and some rural areas of Bihar, Jharkand, Odisha and Andhra-Odisha Border (AOB) people successfully boycotted parliamentary elections by resiting thousands of additional state forces and their brutal suppression. In areas where movements of adivasi peoples against mining and displacement are going on, majority of the people boycotted the Loksabha polls and expressed their protest against the these destructive projects.

As part of the election boycott campaign the PLGA forces successfully conducted tactical counter-offensive actions on the enemy forces that came to force people to vote in most of the war zones of Central and Eastern India. Some of these actions took place in areas which the enemy had claimed to have ‘cleared’ and taken control of. Within the first five months of 2014, spanning the election period, 63 enemy forces were annihilated and 122 injured in 31 actions. One PLGA combatant was martyred in these offensives. We could seize 36 weapons and 3366 rounds. It is noteworthy that these actions came in the wake of and during two massive country-wide special ‘cordon and search campaigns’ conducted by the enemy. Through guerrilla actions conducted constantly by the PLGA in the various guerrilla zones the enemy forces had to disperse their forces in a vast area and so were forced into a situation where they could not deploy their forces as they wish in our crucial areas. Due to lack of additional forces the enemy couldn’t carry out these campaigns more intensively in all areas at once except in Bijapur (DK) and some other parts of the country.

New forms of struggle are being developed to counter the enemy’s ‘carpet-security’ strategic network where heavily fortified camps with hundreds of troops are put up at short distances of 2 to 6 km from each other, steadily encircling our guerrilla bases and other war zones. In two instances, the masses, along with the PLGA or on their own with its support, have engaged in armed harassment or besieged such camps for days together and forced their shut down. The role of women in these struggles was exemplary. We have also seen instances where the masses either rejected the free goods distributed by the enemy mercenaries as part of Civic Action Programs or made a bonfire of them.

In this period an important achievement in last 15 months was the merger into one party of CPI (Maoist) and CPI (M-L) NAXALBARI. This was another turning point in the effort to achieve unity of genuine revolutionaries in our country. As pointed out in the merger declaration, this gives a boost to the capacity of our party to better fulfil its role as the vanguard of the Indian revolution. The unity of Maoists in the face of intense enemy attack has greatly encouraged our entire party, PLGA and the revolutionary masses. It has been enthusiastically welcomed at the international level too.

Overall the situation we face is still very difficult. But we are firmly holding on, boldly facing up to it, and pushing forward to overcome it. Needless to say, the solidarity you extend immensely helps us in this task. We are glad to see that you agree with us on the need to vigorously take forward the campaign to end Operation Green Hunt. This campaign and the solidarity movement in support of people’s war in India complement each other. Defeating this counterrevolutionary multi-pronged countrywide offensive of the enemy is an immediate task before us.

Every revolution advances in a wave-like manner. That is a law of history. In times of difficulties we should heighten our ideological level, keep politics in command, take the message of revolution deeper and wider among the masses, creatively apply the line of protracted people’s war and develop our tactics, be ‘red and expert’ in our political, military, organisational, propaganda, training, cultural, production, technical and other tasks, be more determined, dedicated and ready for sacrifice. Only thus can we emerge from this situation more united, more disciplined, courageous, stronger, more consolidated and more dynamic. This is the lesson we learn from the great revolutions of our class, summed up in the teachings of our great teachers. They have also taught us the need to reforge our ties with the masses on a deeper and higher level at each turn of the revolutionary war. At each crucial juncture the task of deepening the politicisation of not only ourselves but simultaneously the politicisation of the masses also poses itself afresh. We resolutely take up this task to unleash the revolutionary energy and initiative of the masses in an even more powerful manner.

Such is the brief account of our successes and failures, of the people’s war in India, over the past ten years. Such is the main way we have been contributing to the advance of the world socialist revolution.

Comrades,

During the past decade a number of important developments have taken place at the international level. We wish to draw your attention to some salient features.

The initial years of the last decade saw huge outpourings of the masses against globalisation policies that destroyed their lives and a strengthening of people’s wars and armed liberation struggles. The ideology of the proletariat was more sharply posed through the establishment of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Its wider adoption strengthened the grounds for closer unity among Maoist forces, internationally and in different countries. Stirrings of a new wave of revolution could be seen in the world. Mainly in response to this, imperialism, particularly US imperialism initiated and launched a massive, worldwide counter-revolutionary offensive, directed against the people. This was the main content of the so-called ‘War on Terrorism’ which all imperialists and reactionaries joined or supported. Wars of aggression against Afghanistan and Iraq, curtailment of democratic rights, attacks on people’s struggles, growing fascicisation throughout the world, step up of suppressive campaigns against armed struggles, people’s wars and Maoist parties — such were its main features.

But the arrogance of US imperialism, the sole superpower soon got soundly rebuffed.

The challenge was met. A worldwide struggle emerged against the war on Iraq and continued after the launch of the war. Powerful resistance in Iraq and Afghanistan bogged down the aggressors and upset their plans. Masses throughout the world refused to be cowed down and continued their struggles against the ravages of globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation. People’s wars continued to advance.

As a result of all these factors, US imperialism was forced to change tactics within a few years. Bush was replaced with Obama. Talk of ‘decades of war’ was replaced with hurried plans for disengagement and withdrawal of troops.

This is a stark indicator of the favourable situation that has emerged in the world. This period also saw a growth in the contention between imperialist powers as Russian imperialism began to assert itself in the context of the US getting bogged down.

As we all know, the global crisis of the imperialist system that broke out in 2008 has further exacerbated the situation world over. In both imperialist and oppressed countries, millions took to the streets and fought pitched battles with reactionary state forces, workers seized factories, masses occupied squares and shut down governments. Students, youth, women, workers, immigrants, pensioners — all have come out in struggle.

The heady days of the Arab Spring are still live in our memories. Several hated dictatorships were brought down by the persistent struggles of the people. This blooming of the masses didn’t arrive at realising their aspirations for a genuine democracy, exploitation free system and people’s rule. But it has stirred up these societies in a deep way. It gave hope to the world peoples. The results will surely appear.

This is the world today. It shows a situation of great potential for a powerful new wave of revolution. But there is another side to this, a bitter side, one of betrayal. Once again in the history of the international communist movement revisionism has blocked it from gaining the most of a favourable situation. The betrayal of the people’s war in Nepal by the CPN (Maoist) leadership, particularly the Prachanda-Bhattarai clique, was the most damaging of its acts. The possibility of forcing the enemies of the people to drop their guise as saviours of democracy fighting obscurantist fanatics and bringing them into direct confrontation with a revolutionary people, of raising the banners of a people’s war led by Maoists as a rallying centre against imperialism and reaction, of winning over broad sections of the people to the cause of communism, was destroyed.

From another end we see a liquidationist attack on our ideology that seeks to pull down the banners of a MLM and replace it with the hollow claims of Avakianism. This has already destroyed some Maoist parties, who once had an honourable place in the ranks of the ICM. Both of these deviations have been confronted by the Maoists and the struggle continues. Efforts are on to consolidate Maoist parties and build new ones. But the loss is evident. There is a considerable drop in the subjective forces of world proletarian revolution, caused not by enemy suppression, but by the enemies emerging from within it.

Thus we see the contradiction, the glaring gap between the potential of the objective situation and the subjective capacities of the Maoist forces. This is what we must confront. All our activities must be directed to overcome it. This is the deepest need of the oppressed and exploited throughout the world, the demand of these times. As Mao would say, “We must seize the hour, seize the time”. Our party believes that it is the need of the hour for the communist forces to strive to mobilise the broadest possible anti-imperialist, democratic and revolutionary forces to strengthen the campaign to end OGH and with a view to build a broad worldwide anti- imperialist front that is in process. And the further strengthening of the unity of communist forces world over would lead to stronger support for the Indian Revolution too.

In the present situation, the objective potential of the world situation is far outstripping the subjective capacities of the individual parties. Yet much can be done to win over a large section to the cause of communism through their united effort. The recent years have seen collective activities in the form of joint May Day statements, seminars on important developments, conferences of Maoist parties for summing up experiences of international organisation and strengthening the struggle against neo-revisionism, joint forums such as the International Support Committee organising this Conference and the solidarity activities it has initiated. We have welcomed these efforts and continue to support them. We must now explore the possibilities of making the closer ties born out of these activities and growing unity of thinking on ideological, political issues the basis for further advance.

Just as the Indian revolution serves the world proletarian revolution so too is its future vitally linked to how best the Maoists throughout the world can make the most of the world situation and advance world revolution. We take confidence from the burning desire for revolution expressed in the proceedings of the Hamburg Conference, seen in its motto that advancing the revolution in our respective countries is the best way of expressing solidarity to similar revolutions in other countries.

Our party which carries forward the legacy of Naxalbari had always considered the new democratic revolution that we are waging in India as an integral part of the world socialist revolution, the party a vanguard contingent of the world proletariat. The invaluable and incredible sacrifices that are being done by the people and comrades in our revolution are also an integral part of the great sacrifices done by innumerable beloved martyrs of world socialist revolution in each and every country.

Finally, before we conclude, we wish to speak about the great efforts you are doing in support of the people’s war in India. The news of your campaigns, its vivid images, are being taken to our ranks, PLGA combatants and revolutionary masses as widely as possible through our open and secret magazines and several other means. When they know that their sisters and brothers in far off lands stand up in militant solidarity with them, when they see images of protests before Indian embassies, of wall writings taking the message of their revolution to masses in those countries, their hearts swell with pride — we are not alone, our people are there, we are everywhere. Your acts have inspired us; they have made us more determined. We will strive our utmost to fulfil the confidence you have reposed in us.

Our future, the future of the world revolution, the future of the world proletariat, oppressed nations and oppressed people is certainly bright but the path is a thorny, arduous and full of zigzags. The future of our enemies, the imperialists and their lackeys the world over, is dark and their doom is inevitable.

With revolutionary greetings,
Central Committee, CPI(Maoist)
10 September 2014


SOURCE: http://www.signalfire.org/?p=28390

VISIT: http://icspwindia.wordpress.com/

India : Varavara Rao is Free - All arrested n Hyderabad are now Free


10 Years of The Communist Party of India Maoist : Blazing the Trial of Maoist Revolution





A comrade has asked us to republish this document for our readers who are not familiar with the background to the `Maoist struggle in India - we are pleased to comply with comrades request - Democracy and Class Struggle

The Blazing trail of the Maoist revolution in India!
Forty years of resistance against imperialist reaction and revisionism!


The ray of hope in the eyes of the hungry
Has disappeared like a desert path
The tents of faith blown by the wind
Have been in ruins long since
Now the bones worn of patience
Must in unison root out this tree of darkness
With battle axes and spikes.

--CHERABANDARAJU, Let not this country be deceived again
Friends and comrades,

As a platform of the genuine world-wide anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles, it is an honour for me to talk in this august gathering, about one of the storm centres of revolution in the South Asian sub-continent, to be particular, the geographical entity that we call India. In the World Socialist Revolution, India indisputably occupies a prominent place. The victorious advance of revolution in India will have a spiralling impact on the world revolution and particularly, on the revolutions in South Asia.

As a country that house more than a 1000 million people (more than a sixth of the world population) and with a telling diversity that has continental proportions it is important to bring to the notice of this assembly of people’s struggles, the historic advances made by the toiling masses of the subcontinent, especially India. That too at a time, when Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of India has gone on record calling the Maoists, the Maoist movement led by the CPI (Maoist), “the single largest threat to the internal security” of India. The learned prime minister—as often portrayed by an obliging media—has not minced his words when he asked the police, paramilitary and the Intelligence of the Indian state to cripple down the Maoists with whatever means at their disposal.

CPI (Maoist): the product of concrete class struggle

Today, the CPI (Maoist) is leading the single largest mass movement in India. The response of the Central and local state governments to the militant upsurge of the people is a sure fire indicator of the deepening growth of the movement. So much so that the Central Government has formed a Coordination Centre together with 14 state governments to unleash repression on the toiling masses who are up against the pro-market, pro-imperialist policies of the government. They are cooperating to mobilise security forces and a huge intelligence network with a view to physically wipe out the movement led by the Maoist revolutionaries. They have armed a huge military network, are calling monthly meetings of this Centre with a large number of military forces directly engaged against the Maoist movement. This also indicates the growing strength of the Maoist movement and the threat that it poses to this pro-imperialist, anti-people state.

Yet this upsurge of the masses and a visible political turn that it has taken under the CPI (Maoist) did not happen overnight. It is the arduous struggle, in a zigzag course, of more than three and a half decades of developing a political and organisational line through concrete class analysis of the Indian society and characterisation of the State as semi-feudal, semi-colonial, with the comprador ruling classes subservient to the imperialist interests. It is this uncompromising struggle against the revisionism and class collaboration of the CPI and the CPM and all forms and variants of modern revisionism that had crystallised in the line of Protracted People’s War, building the People’s Liberation Army, establishing organs of people’s revolutionary political power and establishment of Base Areas. The bitter class struggle also enabled the revolutionaries in India to put forward the weapon of Strategic United Front of the four classes based on worker-peasant alliance under the leadership of the working class. It is this battle hard experience at the level of concrete practice that enabled the revolutionary party in India to take correct Marxist Leninist positions on the ideological-political questions in the International Communist Movement.


 



The Naxalbari uprising in 1967 that beckoned the new revolutionary wave, demarcating the revolutionaries from the revisionists established a clear political-ideological line for Indian revolution. The clarion call of the great Naxalbari movement led by Charu Mazumdar proved to be a “Spring Thunder over India” as symbolically captured by the then Chinese Communist Party under Com. Mao. Naxalbari thus marked a qualitative rupture from the age old revisionism in the Indian communist movement firmly establishing the correctness of MLM Thought. Thus the Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries was formed at the All India level and finally the CPI (ML) was formed as the re-established Communist Party of India in 1969 under the leadership of Charu Mazumdar. It was this newly formed party that organised the 8th Congress of the communist party which for the first time in India upheld MLM Thought and hence came up with a revolutionary line of New Democratic Revolution through Protracted People’s War, by building the People’s Liberation Army and the Base Areas.

Despite unifying all the Communist Revolutionaries the 8th Congress could not unite a part of the revolutionary forces which had also fought against revisionism of the CPI and the CPM and put forth fundamentally the same line as the one taken by the 8th Congress. The most notable was the MCC which was formed on 20th October 1969; on the basis of a document called “Strategy & Tactics” after the relentless struggle waged by Com. Kanai Chatterjee since the 7th Congress of the revisionist CPI.

The two Maoist parties—the CPI (ML) and the MCCI—which stemmed from the turbulent period of the decade of the 60s, particularly from the Great Naxalbari Uprising, inherited all that was revolutionary in the long history of the Indian Communist Movement while continuing as two streams of Indian revolution over the past 35 years. This advance was not on the bed of roses. Both the parties had to weather bitter internal struggles against opportunist cliques, against non-proletarian ideological trends and deviations while striving to build the party among the oppressed masses based on the revolutionary line. These parties had to boldly confront the armed onslaught of the Indian State, the private armies supported by the State, and the feudal forces by adhering to the Maoist principles of guerrilla war based on the revolutionary mass line of arousing and relying on the broad peasant masses, especially the poor and landless, into armed resistance against the enemies. This concrete application of the revolutionary Maoist line creatively to the specific conditions of India enabled both the parties in developing several guerrilla zones, the guerrilla armies—the People’s Guerrilla Army and the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army—directed towards establishing full fledged PLA and Base Areas in the vast countryside of Andhra, Jharkhand, Bihar and Dandakaranya and the adjoining parts of these states. The Protracted People’s War would consummate in New Democratic Revolution through the strategy of encircling the cities from the countryside.

It is this protracted, time tested history of revolutionary practice of armed struggle based on the correct revolutionary line for the Indian revolution that had provided the ideological-political material basis for unity of the two parties in to a single Maoist Party. The two parties have a long fraternal and comradely relations dating back from 1980 barring a brief period of strained relations and clashes. Based on the method and guidelines provided by the ideological weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, both the parties made a deep, thorough, frank and free self-criticism of their serious mistakes that had resulted in the clashes, identified their roots in petty-bourgeois and non-proletarian ideological deviations in February 2003 and resolved to proceed with the unity process basing on ideological-political unity. It may be recalled that two major parties–the CPI (ML) (Party Unity) and CPI (ML) (People’s War) who were waging armed struggle had united in 1998 to form the CPI (ML) (People’s War). Thus the merger of the CPI (ML) (PW) and the MCCI into the CPI (Maoist) effectively completed the process of merger of the major revolutionary forces in India, though it is not the end of the process of unification of the Communist Revolutionary forces in the country. The historic formation of the CPI (Maoist) have also polarised the Communist Revolutionary parties pursuing a Right Deviation. The CPI (Maoist) is already in the thick of sharp polemics with the Right Deviationists while undertaking joint activities with these parties.

The CPI (Maoist) is of the opinion that the set back in the socialist constructions in Russia and China was mainly due to the revisionist line that developed within the respective Communist Parties of those countries. The capitalist-roaders in Russia and China captured power back from the working class because those parties could not guard against the infiltration of the bourgeoisie under various guises into the proletarian parties and its practice. But it points out that the failure of the socialist projects have taught important lessons to the international proletariat in carrying forward the class struggle against the bourgeoisie in various countries and the imperialist bourgeoisie at the international level. Thus the history of class struggle has taught us, they say, that in any country in the world has class struggle succeeded without armed struggle.

The Maoists are creatively and in a genuine way implementing the Marxist principles to the concrete conditions of India. They don’t blindly copy from China or Russia. At the same time they are aware that the socialist projects in China and Russia were defeated by the capitalist roaders. They apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a practical way for India. If one calls carrying armed struggle dogmatism, then one is moving away from class struggle in an impoverished country like India. Armed peasant struggle is the basic struggle, because 70 percent of the masses have been forced to remain with and depend on agriculture and backward relations of production. The vast majority of the landless agricultural labour belong to the most oppressed and deprived sections—dalits—of the caste ridden social hierarchy of Indian society. It was the revolutionary stream of the ML movement which took a categorical position on the caste question in India. It unambiguously made it very clear that without the vast majority of the oppressed dalits and tribals becoming the core of the revolutionary movement it was impossible for the New Democratic Revolution to succeed. Thus the slogan for “land to the tiller”, in the Indian context, while becomes the central slogan of the agrarian revolution also undercuts the stranglehold of the regressive caste system and Brahmanism on the Indian society.

In such a situation where a vast majority don’t have even an inch of democratic space, they will not be able to fight the fascist ruling classes without arms. But armed struggle is also being waged creatively and practically. Armed struggle doesn’t mean the annihilation of the class enemy. Armed struggle is a form of class struggle where the oppressed classes assert their power and organise themselves by taking away power from the feudal and pro-imperialist comprador capitalists. Armed struggle under the leadership of Maoists also means re-appropriation of the sources of livelihood by the wretched of the earth from the dominant and powerful classes. It also means building alternative institutions of people’s power. So in this way armed struggle is redefined and practiced with the Bolshevik spirit of all powers to the soviets. Without armed struggle building any form of resistance in countries like India becomes wishful thinking as such resistances for a protracted time cannot be retained. The armed actions against the state forces and feudal forces are carried out to protect the movement and in self-defence and self-assertion of the exploited classes.

Today, the Government of India’s official reports put the number of people’s army as 28,000. The areas of their influence look much wider than what the Government estimations indicate. Also there is a vast people’s militia working at the village level. The militia is basic and primary in relation to the People’s Liberation Army as per the strategy of the CPI (Maoist).

Contrary to the widely held perception, the Maoist movement in India is not confined to the backward areas. It’s a vast movement, which also encompasses the so-called developed areas. Maoists work both in the countryside and the cities. The government says that the Maoists are active in 15 out of 28 states. And these include the major states. The Union Home Ministry says that 167 districts out of the total 600 districts in the country are covered by Maoists. This is a little less than 1/3 of India.


At the same time the Maoists are also working towards developing a militant movement in the urban areas—among the intelligentsia, students, women and the middle classes. Maoist cadres and leaders who have been working in the urban areas also are arrested, hunted and killed. Besides, Maoists also work among the coal miners in a big way. There are vast coal mines in many regions in India. One can also notice the work of Maoists in many industrial areas all over the country, though their concentration of work proceeds from the rural areas.

The days that are unfolding open up innumerable revolutionary possibilities for the downtrodden in the Indian subcontinent. Especially with the increasing disparities between the rich and the poor, among various regions of the subcontinent, between the struggling nationalities and the expansionist Indian ruling classes as the comprador ruling classes of India are ever more eager to closely tie up with the moribund capital, especially US imperialism, economically and militarily.

India: Mass Arrest in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh: Black days of Emergency are here??

 

New Delhi (Press Statement/ 21 September 2014): The AP and Telangana State governments have coercively prevented the one day convention of the FORUM FOR ALTERNATIVE POLITICS in Hyderabad on 21 Sep 2014 from being held. This is a most condemnable, undemocratic and unconstitutional acts of the two governments.  The meeting was scheduled between 10 am and 5pm and speakers from other states were invited to participate in the meeting.  The convener of the forum, Mr Varavararao and a few other activists, have been taken in to custody by the police. Mr Kalyanrao, senior member of VIRASAM was arrested in Dachepalli (Guntur district) who was on his way to Hyderabad to the attend this meeting. Mr. Chilaka Chandrashekar (General Secretary APCLC) and many other leaders of peoples’ organizations were picked up from their houses and have been detained in Machvaram police station (Guntur district). Mr. Suresh Narayanrao and other office bearers of APCLC were detained in Kachguda police station in Hyderabad city. About fifteen members of Chytanya Mahila Samakya were also arrested and detained. Twenty Passenger Trains have been cancelled to prevent people from attending the convention in Hyderabad.  It is reported that about 300 people have been arrested including the members of the Forum. Bojjaa Tarakam and Prof. Haragopal were not allowed to reach the venue of the meeting and were asked to return to their houses by the police and have been forced to remain indoors.

 
The police claim that the arrests are being made as preventive measure and had information that the Forum for Alternative Politics is a front Organisation of the Maoist Party. Since the mass organizations are banned they do not allow any kind of meetings conducted by them. Anticipating the situation Mr. Varavararao had moved a petition but it has been rejected by the High Court. Encouraged by the High court order the police surrounded the venue and erected barricades to prevent the people to reach and enter the venue (Sundaraiah Vignan Bhavan).

A delegation of APCLC made efforts to meet the Chief Minister and request him to direct the police not to arrest the activists and give permission to hold the meeting. But the CM did not give an appointment to the delegation. Attempts were also made to meet the Home Minister and the Commissioner of Police but to no effect. The attitude of the government and the police is extremely hostile. They are determined to disturb the meeting and create a panic among the common citizenry. After frantic parleys the Home Minister spoke to a delegation and then the police agreed to free the activist but only after 9 pm attesting the unconstitutional and undemocratic intent of the government not to let the FORUM’s meeting happen.

A few days back only the FORUM FOR ALTERNATIVE POLITICS was formed by several intellectuals with Mr.Varavararao as its convener. The object of the forum is to inform the public about revolutionary politics and revolutionary parties and to subject the models of development and mainstream politics to a radical political scrutiny. Whatever be the politic of the FORUM, it has the constitutional guarantee to pursue it in constitutional manner. The government of Telangana or its police  may have problems with the members of the FORUM but it has no authority whatsoever to curb its constitutional guaranteed rights to pursue its politics. It is their democratic right to engage in practice their politics within the bounds of the constitution of India. The government and the police are subverting the constitution by preventing the Forum from holding the meeting.

It will be in order here to remind the AP/Telangana governments that the Supreme Court of India in some of its decisions made observations that to sympathize with even the Maoist Politics and subscribing to its ideology are not offences. Then what is the fault of the FORUM???

Characterising the FORUM as front organization of Maoist Party and banning its meetings and activities is not only unconstitutional but also undemocratic. The arrest all over the state reminds us the days of Emergency.

Further the dream that formation of new Telangana state will guarantee the basic rights and a repression-free society is cruelly shattered within hundred days.

WE Demand:
  • That all the arrested persons must be released immediately
  • That the forum must be allowed to conduct meetings and other activities freely
  • The state must restrain from curbing civil and political rights of the citizens
Signed by: 

Chandrasekhar (CLC, Andhra Pradesh), Paramjeet Singh (PUDR, Delhi), Parmindar Singh (AFDR, Punjab), Phulendro Konsam (COHR, Manipur) and Tapas Chakraborty (APDR, West Bengal) (Coordinators of CDRO).

————-
Constituent Organisations: Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC); Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR, West Bengal); Bandi Mukti Morcha (West Bengal); Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR, Mumbai); Coordination for Human Rights (COHR, Manipur); Human Rights Forum (HRF, Andhra Pradesh); Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti (MASS), Assam; Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR); Organisation for Protection of Democratic Rights (OPDR, Andhra Pradesh); Peoples’ Committee for Human Rights (PCHR, Jammu and Kashmir); Peoples Democratic Forum (PDF, Karnataka); Peoples Union For Democratic Rights (PUDR, Delhi); Peoples Union for Civil Rights (PUCR, Haryana) and Campaign for Peace & Democracy in Manipur (CPDM), Delhi
 
- See more at: http://www.indiaresists.com/mass-arrest-in-telangana-and-andhra-pradesh-black-days-of-emergency-are-here/#sthash.9vsdD9Th.D8xtT6gy.dpuf

SOURCE: http://www.indiaresists.com/mass-arrest-in-telangana-and-andhra-pradesh-black-days-of-emergency-are-here/

India: Protests Against Mass Arrests in Hyderabad



See Also : http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/09/india-sanhati-collective-on-mass.html

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/09/india-condemn-arrests-let-us-fight-for.html


DEMOCRACY AND CLASS STRUGGLE SAYS FREE OUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS

MH17 Crash Analysis by Russian Union of Engineers



FOR ENGINEERS REPORT IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE VISIT HERE:

http://www.vineyardsaker.co.nz/2014/09/18/malaysian-flight-mh17-crash-analysis-by-the-russian-union-of-engineers/

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/07/the-mh17-crash-us-veteran-intelligence.html

Democracy and Class Struggle strongly recommends you read the English Language report of the Russian Union of Engineers if you are seriously interested in identifying the cause of the MH17 Crash.

India: Sanhati Collective on mass detention and arrests in Hyderabad

Telengana: Statement on mass detention and arrests in Hyderabad


All these are ominous signs that a regime completely disrespectful of democratic rights have been put into place by the K Chandrasekhar Rao government in Telengana. The TRS of KC Rao which came to power on the backs of a mass movement is showing its true colours in preventing a public meeting in Hyderabad.

These unprecedented arrests, which the police is claiming to be “preventive detention” is a direct attack on the fundamental right of people to associate and assemble, as enshrined in the constitution.

Also, it is a complete violation of the law for women to have been picked up by male policemen at night.

 We demand the immediate release of the detained organizers and participants of this seminar and meeting and demand that the meeting be allowed to take place. We also call upon all democratic-minded people and organizations to protest against this absolutely undemocratic and tyrannical action of the Telangana state government.

India: On September 17th,2014 one of the biggest ever gatherings ever took in the revolutionary peasant movement, in the Moga district in Punjab. It was jointly held by the Bharatiya Kisan Union-Ekta(Ugrahan) and the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union by Harsh Thakor




On September 17th,2014 one of the biggest ever gatherings ever took in the revolutionary peasant movement, in the Moga district in Punjab. It was jointly held by the Bharatiya Kisan Union-Ekta(Ugrahan) and the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union. About 18,000 peasants mainly of the B.K.U.assembled at the venue swarming in like a shoal of fish. This gathering has important significance to the revolutionary peasant movement in Punjab which is facing the wrath of repression.


The main demands voiced were :

 1.Opposing of all drugs and drug promotion policies encouraged by the Punjab state govt. Thousands.Thousands of youth have become victims of drug addiction which has received the patronage of the ruling class Akali govt.

2. Opposing water pollution. Today the lakes and rivers are infested with the pollution from factories of imperialist and ruling class creations which protect the vested interests.

3. Implementation of the land celling reforms act and distribution of surplus land.Today 16 lakh acres of land remain surplus.

4. Opposing goondaism.Today several instances of politicians inciting gangs to intimidate common people is a frequent occurence.The politicians deploy goondaism as a tactic to succeed.

5.compensation of 5 lakhs each to familes with peasant suicides.Today the govt has only given one lakh.

6.awarding plots to dalits or agricultural labourers which were promised.

Today the B.K.U.(Ekta-Ugrahan) is the strongest peasant organization I
n Punjab which normally constitutes about 75% of the participants in the major revolutionary force’s gatherings or rallies. It has built units in Faridkot,Malwa,Moga, Bhatinda, Faridkot, Sangrur,Mansa and Barnala.The biggest force amongst the landless labourers organization is the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union about 1/4th the size of the B.K.U.which has secured important victories for the landless labourers in terms of plots and rehabilitation schemes.It is active in Muktsar,Bhatinda,Faridkot,Moga Jalandhar.The main problem the P.M.K.U faces is shortage of leaders as their activists are burdened by economic problems.and their cadre do not possess sufficient political consciousness. The .P.M.K.U.won a demand for 33 % concession for portion of panchayat lease, only for agricultural labour. Overall it is also developing strongly.
 
 The .B.KU (ugrahan) is withstanding the state repression like a great army battalion but still hardly receives enough support of the youth sections. However it's secretary Sukhdev Singh Khokri believes it will resist the onslaught of state repression, and build itself. He emphasized that only a people’s movement would defend the hard won rights and not the opressive system. He stated that the B.K.U(ugrahan)implements decisions on it's independent initiative not being affiliated to any Marxist-Leninist group and has developed strong democratic sense of functioning. .
 
Another important development is the activity of the youth organization,Naujwan Bharat Sabha.On August 23rd and September 1st it took out a vicious opposition campaign opposing the exploitation of wine shop owners who encouraged the wine trade .In Moga the NBS protested illegal methods deployed by wine shop owners to hoodwink the common man.The NBS also took a continuous campaign against drugs explaining the youth how the government used the sale of drugs to divert the people from relating to their grassroot problems.It is now conducting a vociferous campaign in support of the rally to be held in Barnala on October 1st protesting against the black laws.

Let the red flame of revolutionary peasant movement in Punjab rekindle all over !