Sunday, May 31, 2009
CPN (UML) chairman Jhala Nath Khanal has admitted that he had given the nod to take action against army chief Rookmangud Katawal but blamed Maoists for not consulting coalition partners about its procedures.
Speaking at a party gathering in Parbat district Monday morning, Khanal said his party had suggested for compulsory retirement of two top brass of the army to end the dispute, adding, the Maoists ignored his recommendation.
However, he did not clarify why second-in-command Kul Bahadur Khadka and Maoist choice for army chief, should be terminated from the job.
Alleging Maoists to be fascists, Khanal claimed the cause for fall of Maoist-led government was the behaviour of the Maoist leadership ignoring other coalition partners while taking important decisions.
In midst of his harsh words against Maoist leaders, Khanal called for forgetting the bitter past and ending hostilities for fresh start of cooperation and consensus so that mandated tasks of state restructuring and writing a new constitution would be completed on time.
Hinting at emerging ‘groupism’ within his party, Khanal called for a united voice to strengthen the party and implement the government decision effectively.
He claimed all communist parties in the country must follow the path of UML for bringing the dream of communist unity into reality.
Khanal has returned to Kathmandu after attending party functions in Baglund and Parbat.
Source: Nepal News
The Unified CPN (Maoist) has announced fresh protest programmes against the President's move to block the erstwhile government's decision to dismiss the army chief, and in favour of 'civil supremacy'.
A meeting of the party's central secretariat held at party headquarters, Buddhanagar, decided to launch nationwide protests by mobilising all sister organisations from June 4.
"We have decided to launch protest movement to restore 'civil supremacy," said Maoist spokesperson Dina Nath Sharma.
According to Sharma, the party will stage demonstrations in front of the District Administration Offices of all 75 districts on June 4 and stage demonstrations in all VDCs throughout the nation from June 5.
The party has also formed a committee headed by senior leader Mohan Baidhya 'Kiran' to chart out detailed protest programmes and implement it. The meeting also directed heads of all sister organisations to mobilise their members in the agitation.
Sharma said his party would continue obstructing the House against the President's move.
CA chairman Subash Chandra Nemwang on Saturday decided not to take the resolution registered by the Maoists at the parliament for discussion.
"The parliament will be obstructed until civil supremacy is maintained," Sharma said. "We will again request the CA chairman to allow us move the resolution in the House."
Saturday, May 30, 2009
Today, in many sections of the mass movements, especially among the advanced, there is a strong desire to find correct answers for many fundamental questions that class struggle has brought to the fore. For example, why have some sections of the anti-globalisation and anti-war movements not developed into a revolutionary movement? Why could such a massive anti-war movement not stop the ruling class attacking and occupying Iraq ? Why has a movement against the war on Afghanistan not developed? Why has the just struggle in the North of Ireland for independence against the British state, with the so-called peace process been disregarded? Why has the intensification of suppression of the people, particularly the Moslem and Black youth, been overlooked?
Why have the just struggles for independence in Palestine, Kurdistan, Baluchistan and Kashmir, the Tamils in Sri Lanka and in other oppressed nations, as well as the just struggle of millions of political prisoners for freedom and tens of millions of Indian and Chinese peasants against their forcible displacement, been largely ignored? Why have many revolutionary and progressive organisations and individuals do not deeply grappled with many important political, economic, cultural and social problems facing all of us? Why are radical forces dominated by pragmatism and spontaneity? And, why are we unable to carry out a comprehensive scientific analysis of the society and find proper answers for many key questions it poses?
The objective situation
In the 1970s there were nearly two million workers involved only in the coal industry, and industrial workers constituted an important part of the work force in this country. Also, the working class movement, especially, the trade union movement, despite its reformist leadership, was a considerable force. However, since then, a massive shift has taken place in the society. The coal industry has disappeared, and many industries have largely closed down or been transferred to China , India and other countries. The trade union movement has lost its former strength.
During the last thirty years, except manufacturing military hardware, the whole manufacturing industry has largely been reduced, and the service industry has become the dominant section of the work force. Before the current economic crisis, privatisation had become the principal aspect of running the economy, promoting consumerism, fetishism and individualism. Monopoly capitalism ruling Britain, has created such a consumer credit system that the level of mass consumer debt has become unsustainable, and according to the Institute of Fiscal Studies, debt crisis will continue well into 2030s.
The composition of the working class has also considerably changed. Today, a large number of the lowest strata of the working class are immigrants. In addition to exploitation, these workers are continuously subjected to racism in their workplaces and deliberately segregated, preventing their integration with the society. The population of illegal immigrant workers is estimated at nearly one million. These workers are deprived of basic human and legal rights and many live in wretched conditions. They are however, an essential part of the monopoly capitalist economy producing super-profits for the housing, food and many service industries.
Since 1979, the Conservative and Labour governments have pursued privatisation of the housing sector. Before the emergence of the economic crisis in 2008, this policy led to a substantial reduction in the supply of social housing. A huge privately owned renting sector was created, and a large number of unemployed and low income workers, who were deprived of the possibility of a council house, were placed in accommodation provided by the Housing Association, or faced high rents for poor quality accommodation in privately owned houses. However, the middle and upper strata of the middle class, and especially the rich have continuously amassed more houses.
In fact, the monopoly capitalist system has never been able to meet the working classâ€™s need for housing. There were an estimated 870,000 empty homes and empty commercial properties to create 420,000 new homes, while the speculation hugely increased the value of houses to unaffordable levels. Deregulation of the provision of mortgages pushed a large number of working class families into a downward spiral of debt. Overproduction, rampant speculation, raging rise in house prices and inability to payback the mortgages, as well as huge investments in construction projects, especially those linked with the US investments, led to the housing crisis in Britain .
Privatisation has also created a two-tier system in education and health, where the rich, as well as the upper and the middle strata of the middle class are provided with exceptional services. However, despite an enormous budget allocated for health, the lower strata of the middle class, and especially, the working class, suffer from improper medical care, because of Hospital Trusts and other profit driven services. Millions of working class pensioners, who have contributed to the society during the most of their lives, suffer most, and simply because they cannot afford to heat their homes, thousands die every winter.
In the education system the situation is even worse. Illiteracy and innumeracy have become important issues for the working class children and their parents. Universities have become huge businesses to keep hundreds of thousands of working class youth busy with many useless courses, striving to get many worthless certificates. Moreover, students get entangled in a vicious accumulation of debt, which must be paid back over many years of their adult lives. In general, during the last thirty years, all major ruling class parties in Britain have contributed to the extensive privatisation and diminishing of the welfare system.
Hand in hand with these strategic policies, the monopoly capitalist state in this country has encouraged the alcohol, drug, gambling and sex industries to grow enormously, targeting in particular working class youth and women. The perpetual availability of cheap alcohol, the legalisation of some harmful drugs and a confusing classification of all drugs, as well as the extensive promotion of sex are policies which have all been pursued by different governments. The governments deliberate policies are not only to make enormous profit for the capitalists, but to keep the young generation down and under control. Today, alcohol and drug use among the youth, and teenage pregnancy rates in Britain are the highest in Europe .
The dominant culture in Britain is an ideological reflection of the politics and economy of the monopoly capitalist system, and in general is the synthesis of the material and spiritual values of the imperialist system, in this country. The politics and economy of the ruling imperialist class shapes the culture of this country, the culture of an oppressor nation. Also this culture strengthens the politics and the economy of this imperialist system.
During the last three decades, the entertainment industry has also become fully commercialised and grown very rapidly. In the music and film industries and the media, the light entertainment has become the dominant aspect, which is extremely decadent in human values and principles. The monopolisation of these huge sectors and their integration with the highly promoted gambling, drug and sex industries, as well as the full commercialisation of sports has resulted in a predominantly corrupt social environment as well as an uncontrollable social disintegration.
Getting rich quickly, soft porn and violence are the most important common factors among all these sectors, affecting the working class and demeaning women in particular. In fact, the moribund finance capital dominating the economy has not only facilitated the collapse of the manufacturing and the mining industries, but by continuous promotion of the abovementioned sectors, it has created an increasingly parasitic society in Britain .
It is true that the working class and the masses in this country also benefit from plundering wealth of the so-called third world countries, and consequently, their living standard is generally much higher than billions of workers and peasants in those countries. But, this living standard has become increasingly more dependent on the circulation of the moribund finance capital, which itself has major inherent contradictions, irresolvable within the framework of the capitalist system, and prone to crisis. Today, the condition of the working class in Britain is becoming increasingly more unstable and moving on a downward spiral path.
Today, we, political activists in Britain , are suffering from many serious shortcomings. For example, a lack of comprehensive knowledge about the objective situation, disunity and also separation from the masses. It is important to realise that ignoring the objective and the subjective situations, and the particularities of this country, have dominated all our practical work. Moreover, this situation has continued for a long time without developing any coherent theoretical conception of the condition of the working class.
Our literary productions and alienated activities are both the proof of our present situation. No one who has direct knowledge of the state of affairs of our political activities has any doubt that there is a severe lack of general understanding about the workings of this society. We need to accept the fact that we have confusion in analysing the objective situation and anarchy in everything else. But the will to change is becoming stronger, and through a well thought and planned process, we could change ourselves and others, join forces and overcome these fundamental problems.
It is true that the most important task for the political activists in this country is to take the steps necessary towards building a genuine unity. However, we cannot ignore the fact that the existing level of our political consciousness has resulted in our disunity as well as separation from the working class and the masses. And without synthesising our old way of thinking and rupturing from it, we will be yet again compelled to work in isolation. Therefore, we need to go through a process of unity-struggle- transformation.
We have to accept the fact, that despite correct intentions and continuous practical activities, our general understanding of the society has not developed enough. We have not been able to properly recognise the major political, economical, cultural, social and other problems of the working class, and at each stage, identify the principal one. Our political activities have not been able to develop an adequate level of a scientific understanding of the objective conditions of the working class. And consequently, in general, we have been incapable of working out correct tactics and applying those to particular situations, winning other forces and people over to our side.
It is true that there has been a relative stagnation of development of revolutionary movements in the world, during the last thirty three years. It is also true that imperialists and reactionaries have been united in attacking mass movements and radical political activities from without, as well as diverting them from within, wherever they could. Their weapon of mass deception, overall, has certainly affected the working class and the masses in this country. But they have not been able to win the masses over to their side, and the anti-G20 demonstrations and the growing environmental movement are but two of many examples. Indeed, the main problem is lack of a powerful alternative.
Today, US imperialism is the principal adversary of the peoples of the world, and British imperialism has aligned itself with it. There are revolutionary movements in Nepal , India , Philippines , Turkey and elsewhere. There are national resistance movements in Iraq , Afghanistan , Palestine , North of Ireland, Kurdistan, Baluchistan, and the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka , etc. There are acute contradictions between the oppressed nations of Cuba , Venezuela , Bolivia , Iran , North Korea , Somalia , Zimbabwe and imperialism, principally the US , and there are mass movements against globalisation, reactionary wars, destruction of the environment and the global economic crisis.
Because of all these, and the intensifications of the major contradictions in the world, millions of people, including people in this country are increasingly realising that the monopoly capitalist system is moribund, and consequently are looking for real solutions to their numerous unresolved problems. The growing favourable conditions are providing a good opportunity for us to identify our mistakes, and help each other to overcome our political problems, while building a network, to develop a correct general understanding about this society, the way it operates, and how to change it. For this process, we need open mindedness, patience, perseverance and revolutionary optimism.
Pragmatism and spontaneity
We need to pay attention to the fact that mass movements in Britain have been dominated by pragmatism and spontaneity. During the last three decades, we have not been able to learn deeply from the valuable experiences of revolutionary movements in Nepal and India, and national resistance movements in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the North of Ireland etc., as well as numerous mass movements in Britain and elsewhere, to develop an independent political line based on the objective situation in this country. Overall, we have not been able to draw a clear political line, which should be fundamentally different from the line of upper classes. Our consciousness is principally overwhelmed by pragmatism and spontaneity, and that is why, we tail the upper classes, the masses and events.
However, instead of calling for the development of an independent political thought, while calling upon other revolutionary intellectuals, the advanced workers and masses to join us to go forward and develop a scientific understanding of this society. Also, along with studying the particularities of this country, while expanding our political activities among broader sections of the masses, by continuing our work separately, we insist on calling for a retreat to our old method of thinking, dominated by pragmatism and spontaneity. As all of us have experienced, making a mistake is inevitable, but repeating a serious mistake is a recipe for disaster.
An independent political thought, regarding the class struggle in Britain , cannot be developed by people who are still overwhelmed by pragmatism and spontaneity. Working among the people with this line, does not help the peoples struggle to advance, and therefore degrades our activities. Also, a revolutionary politics in this country has been unable to advance and develop, and at present is extremely weak. Moreover, vicious prolonged attacks by the imperialist ruling class and its think tanks, most certainly have made it weaker. In this situation, half-baked ideas and methods, and not thought through plans are bound to fail and lead to further weakening of our efforts.
Regarding the quality and quantity, the revolutionary movement in this country is indeed in its infancy. In order to facilitate its growth and becoming mature, it needs to rupture from the old ideas and methods, which have kept it in its infancy and behind. Ignoring the fact that pragmatism and spontaneity have not allowed the revolutionary movement to advance and develop, is not helpful at all. We need to struggle against the ideas and methods that retard the revolutionary movements growth by subservience to pragmatism and spontaneity.
We need to insist on forming an increasingly organised unity, to win people over collectively to develop our independent political line. It is not realistic and helpful to pretend that our disunity is not based on lack of a comprehensive and coherent understanding of the society. There are politics and politics. Bowing to pragmatism and spontaneity, due to embryonic politics, is also politics. While recognising our political struggles and their achievements, we, collectively, need to identify our shortcomings to work out an independent political line corresponding to the objective and subjective conditions in Britain , as well as the objective situation in the world.
There are many important questions facing all of us: have we been able to analyse the society and identify the principal contradiction in this country? Have any of us been able to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the objective conditions of the working class in Britain ? Has anyone seen any coherent scientific class analysis of the numerous working class and mass movements, including the resistance movement in the North of Ireland? Despite many good attempts, has any one seen any comprehensive analysis of the underlying processes creating the existing economic crisis in Britain ? We can continue asking many more of these important questions, but regrettably the answer to all of them would be: no.
In fact, this fundamental problem is not limited to Britain , it is global. For a long period, revolutionaries have neither been able to develop any influential revolutionary movement in the imperialist countries, nor have they been able to lead a successful revolution and seize power in any country, despite continuous struggles of the masses, many favourable conditions and also valuable experiences of revolutions in the 20th century. This means that today, all revolutionaries around the world are suffering from the poverty of theory.
The stagnation of revolutionary movements in the vast majority of different countries requires analysis of the objective and subjective conditions in each country. With the exception of advances of revolutionary movements in Nepal and India , revolutionary practices have repeatedly missed their acclaimed targets. The existing revolutionary organisations have not developed quantitatively as well as qualitatively, and the new ones have not been developed. In addition to many other factors, this stagnation indicates that, revolutionary practice overall, has not been principally guided by a correct theory.
Both, revolutionary practice and theory have not adequately advanced to lead the masses rise in revolution, despite a favourable objective situation and many opportunities. Indeed, there is a dialectical relationship between practice and theory; practice-theory- practice. Synthesis of practice develops to theory, then practice in turn is guided by theory, and most importantly, theory is grasped and developed through practice. Then, what is the main reason for the general stagnation of revolution in the world, including Britain ?
One answer to this question would be that lessons of other revolutions have not been correctly understood and applied to develop revolutionary movements in the objective conditions of different countries. The essence of revolutionary thought; the objective analysis of the objective conditions in each country has been largely ignored. Furthermore, the existing revolutionary practices and their overall failures have not been synthesised.
But the answer could be that we know enough and we should only apply our knowledge to the society. Well, haven't we had this general body of theory and practice during the last thirty three years? The answer is yes. Then, why have we failed in this country? The answer is certainly not lack of practice, because none of us has been passive, and we have continuously put into practice whatever we understood from the revolutionary theory. So, what is new in continuing as before? Because, having a few more people, without synthesising our failure, does not spontaneously change the quality, or the outcome of our political activities. And, it seems that there is nothing fundamentally new to continue in our separate ways. Then, why should we follow a method, which has already and repeatedly failed?
Establishing a revolutionary movement is a fundamental contradiction and a strategic task. It introduces a new quality into the society and elevates the class struggle to a qualitatively higher level. The process of establishing a revolutionary movement includes many sub-stages. Each sub-stage requires correctly recognising the most important questions and identifying the principal one. Then, we need to concentrate on solving the principal contradiction to move forward to the next tactical level.
Solution of the principal contradiction of the final sub-stage will also solve the fundamental contradiction of creating a young revolutionary movement, ready to become mature through many processes of the class struggle in this society. And only at that stage, a necessary level of knowledge, manpower, commitment and unity to develop a powerful revolutionary movement will be accomplished.
On the basis of the initial and general analysis of our objective and subjective situation presented in here, we propose to form a unity. The unity could assist the existing groups and individuals to participate in regular meetings and discuss the most important political issues of the working class and the masses in this country to identify the principal one. Also, we need to facilitate participation of other revolutionary groups and individuals in our meetings. We need to create a revolutionary and democratic environment, within which, all groups and individuals are able to freely express their views and carry out their revolutionary activities independently to flourish creativity. We also need to coordinate our political activities, to influence the class struggle in Britain and support struggles elsewhere. These would develop something new and what the people need.
Friday, May 29, 2009
Speaking at Republic Day function in Lalitpur Friday, Prachanda claimed that conspiracies were being hatched for restoring monarchy, under the disguise of 'baby king', and pointed at government's decision to relocate republic monument from Narayanhity Museum to Ratna Park as a step to that direction.
He said by stepping down from the government his party has gained support from the general people and that he resigned not because of losing majority but for strengthening civilian supremacy.
Alleging that his government was toppled for tying to work for national interests, the Maoist chairman said the new coalition government under the leadership of Madhav Kumar Nepal will lead the nation to a disaster
Thursday, May 28, 2009
Exlusive Interview: C. P. Gajurel
By Stephen Mauldin at May 28, 2009
I've been in Kathmandu for six weeks meeting many Maobadi comrades. As a result I have reached the office of Chandra Prakash Gajurel to interview this important Maoist leader and head of the International Department, Central Committee, Unified CPN (Maoist). In recent weeks I found many friends among the ranks of the unions and the intellectual wing affiliated with the International Department. Through these comrades came the opportunity to report on this meeting and interview.
In August 2003, when attempting to travel to London, using forged travel documents, Comrade Gajurel was arrested in Chennai, India. Nepali and foreign supporters, including several international communist parties launched a campaign to have him released. In April 2005 a team of European human rights activists was allowed to meet Gajurel in prison. His supporters feared that he would be extradited to Nepal and tortured by Nepali authorities. After the CPN (M) and the government of Nepal signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement, India dropped charges against Gajurel, of "conspiracy against India". He was released in November 2006 and returned to Nepal. 
Thank very much for meeting with me. It's an honor. Just to begin, a very general question in the direction I would like to explore. The supposition is that the central question is how to seize state power now the Maobadi have left government, the tactics now in these new conditions. 
Yes. This is always the central question. It's not just the central question for the Maoists. All the parties are looking to seize state power, not just the Maoist party. But the Maoists are bringing about a new transformation in Nepal. It is more important that since the elections, where the Maoists emerged as the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly, we are leading the creation of the new constitution. Because of the election, the Maoist party has been recognized internationally as the legitimate leadership in Nepal. Now, this is our most important work, to use the CA for transformation of Nepal. 
What about the perception by some communists in the international community that the recent years of participating in multi-party politics show these tactics are actually blocking advance of the revolutionary process?
If you only look at it the traditional way, from the way of traditional communist thought, it looks like this line will not help. In fact it has. Still, we have to see that in reality, seeing what happened recently, in the struggle during the last few weeks, the participation in the government did not completely work actually. We have had to make a new turn in withdrawing from the government, but we are still participating in the democratic process. Criticizing this as blocking the revolutionary process is incorrect. This shows a lack of knowledge of our real practice and the concrete situation in Nepal....
But the critics point out such retreats as disbanding the Revolutionary Peoples Councils in the countryside and other concessions and ask what evidence is there that the leadership is preparing the mass base should a new uprising be necessary.
When we entered into negotiations we had to lose something. Without, at that point, giving up actual state power, what we had attained in replacing the previous government in the countryside with the Revolutionary Councils, we would not have been able to gain the more important opportunity to develop peoples' power in the rest of the country, to have the opportunity to win the elections in the Constituent Assembly or run the government. We gave up power but actually spread the mass base in a new way. For example, we were able to increase our numbers through membership drives, there has been extensive growth of the revolutionary process in our affiliation with many workers' unions and through the increases in the student and youth organizations, especially the YCL. Also during this period, within the party we continued the two-line debate and we formed the Unified party , continued to build our mass base. We will complete the revolutionary process in creating a New Nepal.
There are indications also that rebellious forces are organizing outside UCPN (M) authority, particularly around land reform issues in the Tarai for example Matrika Yadav ...
Some who were with us from the beginning abandoned the party. We listened to their criticisms and with Matrika Yadav we tried, we asked him not to split with us. Since then his new party has opposed us with their own candidate in the recent elections the result was their candidate received only 135 votes. The real irony is one of our former leaders actually joined the UML [United Marxist Leninist party, despite the name, well known as reactionary]. Others are trying to develop a so-called "Left Wing" in parties and youth groups outside affiliation with the Maoists; but we consider these things as essentially insignificant. These groups have in fact been supportive of the Maoists in the move to sack Katawal and in appreciating the PM's resignation.
So is was true that from the time of negotiations through Prachanda's recent resignation there was initially a drawing back from an aggressive revolutionary process as before and a new and different way of building the mass base. Would you say those tactics are over now? What are the new tactics, will we see a renewed aggressive revolutionary movement?
The Prime Minister's resignation was not a big thing for us. Our movement has been working on three fronts and the participation in government was the least important. The experience of being in government was not a failure; it contributed to our revolutionary process in many ways. The issue we raised of civilian supremacy over the army has demonstrated to the people the truth of the situation, the other parties are against supremacy of the people. More important is the Constituent Assembly front where more focus can be on creation of the New Nepal constitution. Our tactics remain the same as to the remaining two fronts, the CA and the streets. We boycotted the selection of the new PM and abandoned the government front for better political benefits from action in the more important and effective fronts. We will use our greater numbers in the CA to create a constitution that will transform Nepal, creating a socialist economy meeting the needs of all the oppressed populations.
If indeed the goal is to have an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist constitution, especially in regard to land reform, is that really going to be enforceable without a new revolutionary upsurge?
In our use of the CA the question of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist resistance is the main contradiction. Without at least 2/3 of the vote we cannot write even one clause of the new constitution. We have approximately 40% of the vote and this is not enough. At the same time we are going to be blamed if the writing of the constitution is indefinitely delayed. This is why the most important front is the street. We will do everything possible to convince CA members from the other parties of the necessity and benefits of an anti-imperial and anti-feudal constitution for a New Nepal with a socialist economic orientation. It is likely this will require an "extra-CA" effort to influence the vote within the CA. It will mean the action of our people in the streets.
You mean the continued direct pressure from the YCL on the cadre of the other parties and the street activism we have seen by the many unions and their collective organization under the All Nepal Federation of Unions - not any activation of the PLA.
But there still remains the possibility that reactionary forces in Nepal and international interference could cause us to fall short of that 2/3 vote for the constitution with the necessary character. Should this become likely, how does that fit with movement towards integration and rehabilitation of the PLA?
First it is important to understand this question is integrated with .. its not isolated from, it's a part of constitution making process. If we have an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist constitution, if we can institute a real peoples' republic, the integration will be the creation of a national army under civilian supremacy and in the service of the socialist orientated economic structure, the transformation to a New Nepal. It's not an isolated issue.
I take this means it's a matter of timing of the integration [CPG nodding at this point]. I wish to venture a personal opinion. Without garnering that 2/3 vote in the CA, the integration would lead to a situation where the PLA would no longer be able to function as a revolutionary force. Mao said that without a PLA the people have nothing. [I didn't actually get a direct response to this opinion].
The real situation in Nepal is that many forces are leading the nationalistic struggle. It is a struggle for liberation from feudalism and imperialism. It has been led by communists. No one believed that the Peoples' Revolution would be so successful. It was our decision to enter the democratic process of multi-party participation. No one believed that we could win the largest number of CA seats. We did take the lead in a third way, extending our revolutionary struggle to include a government front. It's not that important for our revolution that we took decision to leave government. If the government is not led by the communists it can be led by others, we are not concerned because we are supported in the streets and have the largest number of seats in the CA. We believe over time and in the future the people are seeing what is in their best interests.
My final question goes to this issue of communist leadership, to the possibilities for the communist vanguard. I have concluded from my time in Nepal that the bulk of Maobadi support is simply based on the desires of those people to overcome their oppression. There is not a depth of understanding of the communist hypothesis. So what are the real prospects of a communist society in Nepal?
There is the distinction between theory and practice. In every revolution there are very few who have a real understanding of Marxism, what Lenin and Mao have said. The masses are motivated by attaining something for their basic well-being not by an understanding of theory. But they learn by practice. The real intentions of the reactionaries are revealed to the masses as they are led through the revolutionary process. Of course, even among the masses supporting the revolutionary struggle are the opportunists. We believe that, over time, the people, without theoretical understanding, will in practice understand the necessity of removing the reactionaries and will recognize the opportunists for what they are. In time, in this way, a transformation will happen; there will be a New Nepal.
So we must put our faith in the people and the truth of the communist hypothesis and its egalitarian maxim. Thank you for giving so much of your time. I am very encouraged to continue to establish an affiliation with the International Relations Department, an organization based here in Kathmandu that may be a benefit to the many communists who support the Maobadi throughout the world .
I am very happy to see someone from the heart of the imperialist world here to work in Nepal and to work towards a greater understanding in the international community about the real intentions of the Maoist revolution. [at this time he gave me a copy of the renewed publication of "The Worker"]. I suggest you read and share the articles here for the most correct understanding our movement.
A meeting of the General Staff of PLA this week took such decision.
Yam Bahadur Adhikari has been transferred to the first Division in Ilam from the fourth division. Suk Bahadur Roka has been transferred to the second division from the fifth division. Dhan Bahadur Maskey Magar has been transferred to the third division from second division. Tej Bahadur Oli has been transferred to the fourth division from the sixth division. Kali Bahadur Kham Magar has been transferred to the fifth division from third division. Mahendra Bahadur Shahi has been transferred to the sixth division from seventh division.
Among those who got promoted to the post of deputy division commanders from brigade commanders are Santosh, Kuber, Singhraj and Raj Bahadur. After the promotions, the number of deputy commanders in PLA has reached 14 with two deputies in each division.
The first division commander Santu Darai will now head chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal's security squad. Earlier, the security squad was headed by deputy division commander Birendra BM. BM will now oversee the party's logistic department.
This is the third time the chairman's security squad has been reshuffled after Dahal became public. The valley task force of PLA had taken charge of the chairman's security when he became public.
Dal Jeet BK will oversee the PLA Academy and PLA sports club.
This is the first time division commanders have been transferred after the party came into peace process.
The party has said it is a normal process that takes place every year or two. It is only a coincidence that it occurred at the time when the party has just stepped down from the government.
Wednesday, May 27, 2009
The Unified CPN (Maoist) has refused Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s call for the former to join the government.
Talking to media after the PM’s address Maoist spokesperson Dina Nath Sharma said there is no possibility of joining the government or working together until ‘civil supremacy’ is maintained.
It is quite a joke that the PM has approved of the very issues that are our major grouses and called us for consensus, said Sharma indicating the PM’s address which hailed President Dr Ram Baran Yadav and the Nepal Army terming their role in the ongoing peace process as praiseworthy.
PM Nepal had called the Maoists to support him by joining the government to take the peace process to a logical conclusion, in his first address to the nation Tuesday afternoon.
Nepal lauded President Yadav for playing a guardian’s role and appreciated the army for internalising democracy and republicanism.
The Maoists had accused the army of disobeying a civilian government and the President of acting unconstitutionally to block the decision of an elected government.
Analysts say, the ongoing peace process is at stake due to the mutually contradictory stances of the Maoists and the new government.
The Maoists have already said they would continue agitation from parliament and the street until the ‘unconstitutional move’ of the President is corrected.
The peace process has already been derailed and there can be no consensus until these wrongs are corrected, said senior Maoist leader and finance minister in the previous government Dr Baburam Bhattarai talking to BBC Nepali service, Tuesday.
Tuesday, May 26, 2009
KATHMANDU (AFP) — Nepal's new prime minister appealed on Tuesday for the Maoist party to join his government, saying the former rebels' participation was needed to protect the country's peace process.
Madhav Kumar Nepal was sworn in on Monday after three weeks of political deadlock triggered by the shock resignation of Maoist premier Prachanda only eight months after taking office.
Prachanda stepped down over a dispute with the national army, which he and his fellow guerrillas had fought against in a bloody civil war that ended in 2006.
"This is not the time to stop the path of consensus, reconciliation and unity," the new prime minister said. "I appeal to the Maoists to join the present government and help in taking the peace process forward."
Prachanda came to power in elections last year, but quit after a failed bid to sack the head of the army, General Rookmangud Katawal.
The Maoists have insisted that 19,000 of their former fighters be integrated into the ranks but the army has refused, saying the men can never become non-partisan soldiers.
Senior leader of the Unified CPN (Maoist) and former finance minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai has said his party would unilaterally form local bodies if the present government fails to so.
Speaking at a programme organised by Jana Sanchar Abhiyan in Kathmandu Monday afternoon, Dr Bhattarai said his party would assemble people in the villages and form local bodies to give continuity to developmental programmes initiated by the previous government.
Accusing his party’s former ally, the CPN (UML), of disrupting the formation of local bodies, Dr Bhattarai said local bodies should be formed immediately based on proportional system of votes in the Constituent Assembly
Sunday, May 24, 2009
Former Prime Minister and Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has urged his cadres to stay ready for a revolution as the ‘war’ is not over yet.
Addressing the inaugural function of the first conference of injured and disabled of the people’s war that kicked off in Kathmandu Sunday morning, the Maoist supremo said the war is not over, we have only changed the strategy.
One day after the legislature parliament elected the new Prime Minister displacing Dahal from the top executive post, he said the latest political changes had opened avenue for the completion of the revolution.
Over 1000 participants from across the country are participating in the two day conference.
Saturday, May 23, 2009
KATHMANDU (AFP) — Nepal's parliament on Saturday chose a moderate leftist as the nation's new premier following Maoist chief Prachanda's resignation three weeks ago when he failed in a bid to fire the army chief.
Madhav Kumar Nepal, a senior leader of the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), described by analysts as hewing to the centre-left and communist in name only, was acclaimed as the lone candidate.
"It's a huge responsibility. I will move forward by building the politics of consensus among all parties," said Nepal, who is backed by an alliance of 22 parties that holds 350 seats in the 601-member parliament.
Democracy and Class Struggle says : Twice rejected by Electors for a seat MK Nepal choice of the Kathmandu Elites not of the People becomes Prime Minister of Nepal - an insult to the idea of Democracy ; Forward to Jana Andolan 3
Maoist lawmakers have walked out of the parliament hall, boycotting the PM election process.
CPN (Unified) and a faction of Nepali Janata Dal also boycotted the election process.
Nepali Congress president tabled the proposal in the House in favour of Nepal as the new Prime Minister while UML chairman Jhala Nath Khanal, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum's Bijay Kumar Gachchhadar and Terai Madhesh Loktantrik Party chairman Mahantha Thakur, Sadbhawana Party chairman Rajendra Mahato supported the proposal, among others.
Friday, May 22, 2009
The coming election for the European Parliament will take place in the midst of the deepening crisis of the global capitalist-imperialist system. The crisis has burst out in the European capitalist economies and has affected the workers, the youth, the migrants and the broad people’s strata in the cities and the countryside. The European governments both individually and in coordination within the European Union context contrive and apply countless anti-popular and anti-workers measures in order to rescue the profits and the rule of the monopolies, multinationals and banks.
Hundreds of thousands of workers are sacked; unemployment rates are rapidly increasing –particularly in the youth– rights and achievements are abolished and the last remnants of social welfare are swept away, while indigence along with social exclusion expands. In the near future the economic development will lead to great class confrontation and struggles against the capitalist aggression; generating opportunities and the pre-conditions for a strong resistance front against capitalist barbarism. The youth revolt in France and the recent uprising in Greece, the tide of the workers strikes, protests and demonstrations in many European countries are the prelude of future struggles.
The European Union is a reactionary construction of the capitalist-imperialist elites. Historically, it is doomed to fail. It is a reactionary coalition with internal contradictions and deadlocks, aiming at the participation of the European imperialist in the global imperialist rivalry. It is the instrument of contriving anti-workers and anti-popular policies; plundering the wealth produced by the workers and peoples of the depended and neocolonial countries. It is a new “Holy Alliance” against the working class, against civil resistance movements and the peoples’ struggles for national and social liberation.
The European Union leads, both along with the US and other imperialist powers and individually, the defense of the rule of the capital and multinationals around the world. It supports imperialist economic and military interventions; it plunders the natural resources and manpower of the semi colonial and dependent from imperialism countries. It has become the production laboratory for anti-workers policies. It actively supports the so called anti-terror campaign, it adopts tough anti-migrant policies, and it promotes the anti-communist hysteria and exerts pressure for the adoption and implementation of tough repression measures along with the curtailment of democratic rights.
The European Parliament and the election held in each member-country is a scheduled operation in order to provide a democratic pretext to this reactionary coalition of the European capitalist elites. It is the instrument for the disorientation and the incorporation of the popular and workers movements of resistance and overthrow. It is an institution that endorses the reactionary policies of the powerful European Commission and other summit conferences. It is a wasps’ nest that legitimizes the policies against the social and national liberation movements which also promotes anti-communism. It is an institution discredited, almost from the very first moment of its existence in the eyes of the European peoples, and that is why it has been addressed with complete debasement; and there are large percentages of low turnout in the European parliament election. The EU headquarters predict un-preceded low turnout in the elections that will take place in early June, and that is why they organized an expensive advertising and disorientating campaign addressed to the European voters, in order to save the lost prestige of the so called European institutions and hopefully increase the voters’ turnout.
We, the undersigning of this joint statement, left and communist organizations and parties from European countries, address the workers, the youth, the migrants and all progressive people and activists in the resistance movements against capitalist barbarism and imperialism to active resistance against the European Union policies, aiming at the final breakup of this reactionary imperialist coalition. We also fight for the walking out of our countries from it. We call for mass voter abstinence from the farce election of the European Parliament and we struggle to turn the passive voter abstinence into a mass and militant movement against the European Union.
Initiative for the Construction of a Revolutionary Communist Party (Austria)
Revolutionary-Communist Youth League (Austria)
Bulgarian Worker-Peasants Party
Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist)
Proletari Comunisti (Italy)
Serve the People - Communist League (Norway)
*Any organizations or parties willing to undersign the statement can do so until the eve of the European Parliament Elections
Addressing the parliament, Prachanda said the partners of the new UML-led coalition of engaging in a dirty game as they try to install a new government. Describing the exercise to form the new government as part of a counter-revolution, the Maoist chief said those rejected by the people are now being placed at the helm.
The caretaker Prime Minister in his speech repeatedly questioned the morality of other political parties alleging them of not being able to stand for sovereignty, integrity and unity of the nation.
Prachanda spent most of his time criticising other parties, said former allies betrayed him in the army chief episode. The parties, according to him, had agreed to take action against the army chief, but later they did a complete about face.
Describing the President's decision to reinstate the army chief as being regressive and unconstitutional, he said the Maoist party would continue peaceful protests to restore civilian supremacy.
Prachanda also took a swipe at army chief Rookmangud Katawal, refering to the Rayamajhi Commission's report in which Katawal has been found guilty of suppressing the Janandolan-2. He said Katawal repeatedly challenged the elected government's orders.
Furthermore, Prachanda claimed the rumours of power capture by the Maoists were part of a conspiracy to derail the peace process and incite fresh conflict.
He said he was ready to face action if the rumours of his party bringing weapons into the PLA cantonments to capture the state were proven. He made it clear that the Maoists would not run away from the peace process and the constitution-drafting process.
In his speech, the outgoing Prime Minister also made indirect reference to Indian pressure that is believed to have played a role in bringing down the Maoist-led government. He said he tried to establish relation with India as required in the changed context and that the two neighbors should not be seen as "big brother-small brother" anymore and the relation between India and Nepal should be brought on a par.
Just nine months after Nepal’s newly elected constituent assembly went to the polls to overwhelmingly elect Prachanda as the first prime minister of the new republic, it would undergo the same exercise again Saturday to appoint a new executive.
Wednesday, May 20, 2009
Earlier today, Unified CPN (Maoist) tabled a 'commitment proposal' at the parliament secretariat against the President's move to block the government's decision to sack the army chief.
In the commitment proposal, the party has stated that the President's move runs counter to the interim constitution and civilian supremacy. Stating that the President exercised power that has not been given to him, the proposal demands withdrawal of his order against the government decision to sack army chief Rookmangud Katawal.
Narayankaji Shrestha, the deputy leader of the Maoist party in the parliament, moved the proposal that was supported by Maoist lawmakers Post Bahadur Bogati and Barsha Man Pun.
A secretariat meeting of the party held at the PM's residence in Baluwatar Wednesday morning had decided to move the proposal.
Earlier today, during his meeting with Speaker Subas Nemwang, caretaker Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal had said his party would allow the parliamentary to function if it takes up the commitment proposal.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
Picture Upendra Yadav
Party leaders discussed ways to resolve differences that arose between two factions after two important party bodies took contradictory decisions.
The central committee where party chairman Upendra Yadav has a majority decided not to join the government, while the parliamentary party where its leader Bijaya Kumar Gachchhadar has a majority decided to join the government.
The party is in the verge of split after 32 lawmakers of Gachchhadar camp submitted their signature in support of the UML-NC alliance against the CC decision.
CC members have suggested the leaders to adopt a ‘middle path’ in order to protect the party from splitting. The suggested ‘middle path’ proposes for withdrawal of the signatures from the Gachchhadar camp and withdrawal of plans to take action against those lawmakers from the Yadav camp.
The meeting that started at 4 pm, three hours behind the scheduled time in a hotel in Kathmandu ended inconclusively at 8.00pm. Another meeting is called for Thursday
CPN (UML) chairman Jhala Nath Khanal has claimed that rightists have been trying to increase hostilities among the communist forces in Nepal.
Speaking in a function organised by the party’s women wing in Balkhu Tuesday, Khanal said increasing disputes among the left parties in the country has benefited the rightists and weakened position of the communist forces.
Khanal, who advocates for unity among the communist parties, cautioned the party cadres against such attempts and added the party must continue its working alliance with the Unified CPN (Maoist).
He said de-linking working unity with the Maoists would invite political chaos and derail the ongoing peace process leading the country without a constitution for years
Monday, May 18, 2009
Prachanda - As soon as the President rectifies his move to reinstate the Army chief we will withdraw our programme to obstruct the Parliament
The Maoists have decided to continue blocking Parliament sessions until their demand that President Ram Baran Yadav withdraw his move to reinstate the Army chief Rukmangal Katawal sacked by Prachanda is met.
"As soon as the President rectifies his move to reinstate the Army chief we will withdraw our programme to obstruct the Parliament," a Maoist leader said.
"For immediate House resumption the main agenda that we raised while obstructing the Parliament should first be entered into the House proceedings and should be addressed," said a statement issued by the Maoist party.
Finance minister of the caretaker government and Maoist senior leader Babu Ram Bhattarai has accused other political parties of engaging in a nasty horse-trading to accumulate a majority for a new coalition.
Speaking at a function in Gorkha Monday, Bhattarai claimed he had evidence that parties paid hefty amount of money to lawmakers to gain their support to form the government.
"Although I have evidence that huge sums of money changed hands in hotel rooms in exchange of support to the new alliance, I cannot reveal the evidences now as, officially, I am still a minister," Bhattarai said.
Stressing on the need of a government with national consensus, Dr Bhattarai said a government formed without such consensus would not last for more than three months.
Madhav Kumar Nepal is becoming the Prime Minister only to make history, his tenure will not last long, he said.
We wish to convey our warmest revolutionary greetings and express our
strongest solidarity to you and the Nepalese people in this crucial juncture
for the development in your country.
The imperialists and expansionists never stopped for a single minute to
hinder the revolutionary process and intervene in Nepal using their agents
and the subordinate forces in their reactionary plots.
However the Nepalese people with their mass and active participation in the
demonstrations, protests and every day clashes with the police forces,
against the political coup of President Yadav, who acted under the
directions of both Indian and US imperialists, are showing to the rest of
the world that the future of Nepal is yet to be written by its people’s
People’s War was initiated by the CPN (Maoist) in the darkest period for the
Communist Movement and in the most adverse context internationally and
internally. The resolute factor for the success of People’s War was the
support and the active participation of the Nepalese People.
During the last three years the development was both complex and
unprecended. The current situation is not a surprise. This deadlock seemed
unavoidable and probably delayed. The Revolution Process is a very complex
situation where class struggle is extremely intensified, changes forms and
the line struggle is an every day issue.
It is the duty of all progressive people, democrats and communists to
support the Nepalese people in their struggle to pave the way for their
future against imperialists and reactionaries and their puppets.
Long Live International Solidarity!
Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist)
“Out from the government is an opportunity for us to complete the revolution, President Ram Baran Yadav has given the Maoists the golden opportunity
Addressing the Nepalgunj gathering, the Maoists Party Central Secretariat member Mr. Chandra Prakash Gajurel said that his party will now take on the path to conclude the incomplete decade long rebellion led by his party.
“Out from the government is an opportunity for us to complete the revolution, President Ram Baran Yadav has given the Maoists the golden opportunity to bring the revolution to an end through Peoples’ Uprising III”, he said adding “Gyanendra gave us the opportunity to wage Peoples’ Uprising II”.
“Now we will capture the State, which is the prime objective of the Maoist party,” Mr. Gajurel told while addressing a gathering in Nepalgunj, May 17, 2009.
Similarly, addressing a mass-meet in Biratnagar on Sunday, Mr. Narayan Kaji Shrestha Prakash- Maoists party leader, alleged that Madhav Nepal-a senior UML leader, was an Indian agent.
“Mr. Nepal is being lifted to the seat of the prime minister as per the dictates of his Indian masters”, said Mr. Prakash.
Lila Mani Pokharel, another Maoists leader in Dhangadi threatened to grab the UNMIN monitored weapons housed in the cantonments now.
“If the reactionary move continues, we may have to finally grab our weapons”, said Pokharel.
“The Maoists were very simple when they were in the government, out of the government we have become dangerous”, also said Pokharel.
Sunday, May 17, 2009
Gore Vidal on the Real News says John Kennedy said to him in this age it is the perception of things that counts and not what actually happens.
Democracy and Class Struggle calls on those interested in the Nepalese Revolution to go beyond perceptions to gain conceptual knowledge of the Nepalese struggle and develop the science of Marxism Leninism Maoism in the 21st Century.
For a basic course on Marxism Leninism Maoism - there is a course prepared by Indian Comrades here :
Apologies to runner up Monkey Smashes Heaven better luck next time. Thanks Monkey for the inspiring the award.
Would viewers please send in nominations for next weeks Parrot of Imperialism Award.
Prachanda accuses parties of trying to wreck peace process; dubs bid for new govt as a foreign-orchestrated move
Caretaker Prime Minister and Maoist chairman Prachanda has accused the UML-led new coalition of trying to derail the peace process, insisting that the parties are being 'remote-controlled' as they engage in homework to form the new government.
Unified CPN-M chairman and caretaker Prime Minister Prachanda ...
"On the surface it looks like an attempt to bring down the Maoist-led government, but their intention is to disrupt the peace process. They want to push the country into disarray," Dahal said, addressing a mass meeting organised by his party at Kathmandu's Khula Manch on Sunday. The mass meeting preceded by protest rallies across the town was part of the protest against the President's order to reinstate the army chief sacked by the government.
Prachanda said the Maoist party would not backtrack from the peace process despite being provoked to do so. "We will fight peacefully to make sure that the new constitution is drafted and peace process concluded," he said.
The outgoing Prime Minister claimed that he was aware of the President's move two weeks beforehand, as the move was being devised "somewhere else".
He also accused the parties of being guided by foreign powers in the entire development since the onset of the army chief row.
"They [parties] are not doing this on their own. Attempts are being made to snatch away the right of Nepali people to self-decision," he said, claiming that the parties were involved in all sorts of nefarious practices to secure a simple majority to form the new government.
Why don't you take them seriously ? I did once that was my mistake.They have a chance to emulate the MLM RSG and prove me wrong !
It is good that the MLM Revolutionary Study Group re-examined their position from denouncing the Nepalese Maoists has revisionists like the RCPUSA to a more measured support but not uncritical position akin to Democracy and Class Struggle and Kasama.
I now hope the MLM Revolutionary Study Group will be emulated by other groups who have seen fit to denounce the Nepalese Maoists and they will make the intensive study necessary to go beyond merely perceptual knowledge of events in Nepal to scientific conceptual knowledge and understand revolutionary processes.
In that way Nepalese Maoism will enable us all to learn and develop.
Thanks to CARC for picture
Traffic and day-to-day life in capital Kathmandu has been adversely affected Sunday morning as the Unified CPN (Maoist) prepare for rallies and a huge mass assembly for Sunday afternoon.
The Maoists are organising rallies and mass assemblies in Kathmandu, Biratnagar, Nepalgunj and Dhangadi Sunday afternoon as part of their protest programme against the President’s move to intervene in the government decision to sack the army chief.
They are taking out rallies from 11 different locations in Kathmandu including Lagankhel, Kalanki, Gongabu and Chabahil, among others. Traffic has been disrupted in the valley due to the rallies. According to the valley traffic control room, public transports have already stopped in some places.
The Maoists are bringing their cadres from various districts around the capital to participate in the mass assembly. Some 45 passenger buses are ferrying Maoist cadres for participation in the rally from Gorkha alone, according to a transport entrepreneur.
Top leaders will address the mass assembly at Khula Manch Sunday afternoon. The Maoists are also expected to announce further protest programmes against the President’s move today.
Meanwhile, Maoist spokesperson Dina Nath Sharma said the rallies and the mass assemblies would be peaceful and refuted speculations that the Maoists had plans to defy the prohibitory orders
More on “Revolution and State Power in Nepal”
By the MLM Revolutionary Study Group, May 16, 2009
In keeping with the importance of supporting the people's revolution in Nepal, we have been following the rapidly changing developments after the attempted sacking of General Katawal, Chief of Staff of the reactionary Nepalese Army, by the Maoist-led government. We have also been looking more closely at the statements by party leaders following the National Conference of the Unified CPN (Maoist) held in November 2008. Finally we have developed our views on the particular circumstances posed by the revolution in Nepal. We have decided to make some further comments that clarify, correct and elaborate upon our paper of April 4, 2009. (See www.mlmrsg.com)
First, we have reassessed the results of the National Conference. Prior to it, Chairman Prachanda’s views were coming under public criticism from a number of senior party leaders, including Kiran (Mohan Baidya), Guarav (CP Gajurel) and Biplap (Netra Bikram Chand). The main issue of political strategy that was brought to the conference was whether the party should go for a People’s Republic, completing the new democratic revolution through the seizure of state power, or the revisionist position that the party should consolidate the present bourgeois republic and limit itself to a process of state restructuring. (See Bastola’s “Historic National Convention: Milestone of Revolution,” in the December 1-15, 2008 Red Star, and CP Gajurel’s “The Role of Major Tactical Line in Developing a New Constitution” in the January 16-31, 2009 Red Star.)
The Conference united around a compromise that merged the two positions. This resolution delivered a partial blow that has restrained the revisionist strategy that had been dominant, and has given more freedom of action to the revolutionary forces in the party. Since the leadership of neither side was defeated, the line struggle has not ended but has moved out of public view in recent months.
The new formulation of waging struggle from the government, the parliament and the streets points to such a shift to the Left. (The revolutionary forces in the party have been stressing the struggle from the streets.) The efforts of the Maoist-led government to sack the army chief of staff, which has brought the Maoist mass base out into the streets in a way not seen since the April 2006 uprising against the monarchy, also points in this direction. Just the fact that Basanta could publicly state that "the Nepalese oppressed class has now arrived at a very glorious but more challenging juncture of seizing central power through a process of people's rebellion of the Nepalese specifically under the leadership of our party the Unified CPN (Maoist)" is another sign of this shift. (Red Star, March 16-31, 2009).
Thus, our statement that “the current strategy of the Prachanda leadership … is guided by a revisionist line and strategy that is in opposition to a revolutionary line and strategy of preparing the masses and the party to wage a struggle to seize political power” is an unclear description of the current situation within the Unified CPN (Maoist). Both inside the party as well as publicly, Prachanda has been promoting the revisionist strategy of consolidating the bourgeois republic and restructuring the state by constitutional means. However, the party leadership as a whole is not following a revisionist line, as it has clearly not resolved the two line struggle.
This assessment is opposed to the position of the RCP, USA, which asserts that the UCPN (Maoist) has become a revisionist party i.e., that revisionist consolidation is complete and that no revolutionary line struggle remains within the party, and that the revolution has basically been defeated. In sharp contrast, the Kasama Project in the U.S. has performed a valuable service in popularizing the revolution in Nepal and developing support for it. However, in our view the materials of the Kasama Project do not pay the necessary attention to the two line struggle in the UCPN (Maoist). Without saying so explicitly, these materials promote the view that a revolutionary line has been in command of the party and has been implemented since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed in 2006, in the face of substantial evidence to the contrary.
We believe we were correct to emphasize the decisive nature of the two-line struggle in the party for the future of the revolution: “The current transitional stage cannot last for long. There are two alternative paths of development: Either the bulk of the Maoist forces will get further submerged in administering a bourgeois/feudal state and trying to push it to the left--which will represent a serious setback to the revolutionary process--or a new wave of Maoist-led revolutionary struggle will lead to the seizure of power and the victory of the new democratic revolution as a transition to socialism in Nepal.”
A second point in our article must be revisited. We wrote that “there is no evidence that the party leadership is preparing its mass base and the party for an actual seizure of power.” It must be said that lack of public discussion of making plans for insurrection by the party doesn’t mean that such plans and preparations aren’t being made--which by necessity must be kept secret. We would expect the People’s Liberation Army, the Young Communist League and other organizations led by the party to have contingency plans in the event of a decisive showdown with the reactionaries, such as a coup by the army. However, these are plans for defensive armed struggle. An "offensive insurrection," on the other hand, is a strategic undertaking, and plans for this can move forward only if a revolutionary line and strategy wins out in the struggle within the UCPN (Maoist).
It is important to understand that a revolutionary situation is an objective process, the conditions for which must mature before the time to strike comes. Going over to the insurrectionary offensive requires a qualitative change in the mood of the masses, where they have become convinced that a peaceful solution is no longer possible by the actual conditions they face and by the work of the revolutionaries. The masses of people do not arrive at such a position at the same time. The advanced forces must win over the intermediate among the basic masses, as well as vacillating allies, to the revolutionary seizure of power, and in the process disorganize and demoralize the backward forces. One important factor that can accelerate this process and bring it to a head is when the onus for the breakdown of a political stalemate—such as exists in Nepal today—can be laid at the feet of the reactionaries. This was successfully done by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party in the months before the October 1917 insurrection, and by Mao and the Chinese Communist Party during 1945 and 1946 before the outbreak of civil war with the Guomindang.
In his writings on the Kasama website, Mike Ely has emphasized that before an insurrection can be launched in Nepal, there must be “dress rehearsals” in the streets, where the party can assess the strength of their core revolutionary forces, determine how effective they are in bringing over broader sections of the people, and measuring the response of the reactionaries. The current confrontation over General Katawal, which has brought tens of thousands of Maoist cadre and supporters out into the streets, could prove to be such a political dress rehearsal if a revolutionary line drives the struggle forward and brings the masses into play in a way that is not limited to asserting civilian control over the army. Future political confrontations may arise when Maoist efforts to write a new revolutionary constitution, and to integrate the two armies in a way that keeps the People's Liberation Army politically intact, run into a wall of reactionary resistance. New popular initiatives in the struggle for land reform--which have been placed on the back burner since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed in 2006--can also reshape the political landscape in preparation for the revolutionary seizure of power.
Third, we have held a view that the political and military strategy of protracted people’s war—which includes a tactical use of negotiations and, in some conditions, electoral work that exposes the system--is the only viable strategy in semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries such as Nepal, India, the Philippines and Indonesia. In Nepal, the question is posed whether, after the mass armed struggle in the countryside has been ended short of victory, is it possible to wage political struggle, including participating in elections and coalition governments, with the orientation of generating new forms of revolutionary struggle and organization among the masses in the cities and countryside--thereby gaining the political independence and revolutionary initiative that can enable and lead to a renewal of armed struggle and the conquest of nationwide political power. It remains to be seen whether such a path to the revolutionary seizure of power can be successfully pursued in Nepal, much less in other countries, but this possibility cannot be simply ruled out.
As a result of the people’s war that liberated most of the countryside, and the ending of that war to wage political struggle as the main form of struggle, there is now a temporary and unstable dual power in Nepal. The Maoists share state power with the bourgeois/feudal forces in the government. Their armed forces are still separate entities—though the PLA is in an extremely vulnerable position. How does the Marxist-Leninist understanding of the class nature of the state comprehend this situation? Does the state everywhere and always have to be either bourgeois or proletarian? Or can there be particular historical situations where there is fierce struggle between these two antagonistic classes within the state apparatus for a limited period of time before the issue is settled?
In order to answer these questions, there are dangers in both dogmatic application of historical precedents, drawn from other times, places and circumstances, as well as from overdrawn "exceptionalism" and "particularism." The latter tendency acts as if nothing has been learned about the underlying laws of society, political economy, the modern state as an instrument of class rule, class struggle, and the necessity for the armed seizure of power and the replacement of the bourgeois state by a new revolutionary state. Both errors are denial of a scientific method and remove essential tools of analysis from the revolutionary toolbox of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
In the period ahead the political situation in Nepal will be in a high degree of flux as the two lines contend in the party, and as new flash points develop between the Maoist-led masses and the forces of reaction. With the triumph of a revolutionary line in the party, the revolutionary consciousness and power of the masses can be unleashed to the fullest extent, and the conquest of nationwide political power can become an actual possibility when the objective conditions ripen. These points--which differ from the wishful view that the UCPN (Maoist) is united in leading the revolutionary struggle forward against the forces of reaction, as well as the dogmatic and sectarian claim that the revolution has been betrayed by the party--are essential to include in materials aimed at popularizing and building support for the revolution in Nepal.
The people's revolution in Nepal is a just one. Its every step forward requires support by communists, revolutionaries and progressive people around the world
Visit : http://www.mlmrsg.com/
Democracy and Class Struggle welcomes this analysis of the MLM Revolutionary Study Group has it is near although not exactly the same as the current analysis of Democracy and Class Struggle on Nepalese events. MLM is a serious science and MLM Revolutionary Study Group show scientific promise which we trust they will develop.
Whilst we recognise right opportunism in the UCPN (Maoist) we see this being constrained by the party as a whole fully in line with a two line struggle. We support the Nepalese comrades in their two line struggle but recognise that our duty is to provide international support for the Nepalese Maoists and to denounce the likes of RCPUSA and the (MSH) Monkey turned Parrot of US Imperialism who represent a dangerous left dogmatist line in the international communist movement.
Saturday, May 16, 2009
The Maoist-led caretaker government has informed the Supreme Court about its decision to oust Rookmangud Katawal
The Maoist-led caretaker government has informed the Supreme Court (SC) it had formally informed President Dr Ram Baran Yadav about its decision to sack Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Rookmangud Katawal, on Friday.
Responding to a show cause notice issued by the SC, Chief Secretary Dr Bhoj Raj Ghimire, said the government had forwarded a letter about its decision to oust the CoAS to the President’s Office on May 3.
The SC had issued a show cause notice to the government after advocate Damodar Paudel filed a writ petition against the cabinet decision to sack Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal.
The government’s response has addressed General Katawal as a former CoAS and General Khadka as the acting CoAS.
Meanwhile, on Friday, Katawal participated in a public function in capacity of the CoAS for the first time after the controversy surfaced. Although, Katawal was discharging his duties as the CoAS from the army headquarters, he had not participated in public functions in the same capacity.
Democracy and Class Struggle agree with Dev Gurung of UCPN (Maoist) when he says that "The President has made a political move. There cannot be legal solution to it," It's the political parties and the parliament that should find a solution to the current crisis, he added.
Friday, May 15, 2009
United Maoists Leader, Nepal
TGQ1: Your party-the Maoists-has stepped down from the government front. You could have fought the battle by being in the government. Isn't it?
If the President did an act that you dub as unconstitutional one and the Chief of the Army staff defied the government's order, wouldn't it have been better to fight with them by being in the power structure? Isn't it a defeated mentality of your party? What say you? Your comments please.
Narayan Kaji: No! it is not that we became unable to fight and quit the government. Instead, we eased the process for a solution and thus resigned from the government.
We felt that there remained some thing to be fought for which we have had to quit the government.
The President took steps that we dub as an unconstitutional act. We thus have to fight against the President's erratic moves for which we concluded that it would be fair to fight with such unconstitutional moves by remaining out of the government corridors.
We appointed Kul Bahadur Khadka as the new Army Chief but the President reinstated the sacked Army Chief Katwal which created a tremendous moral pressure on us because we felt that Nepal now had virtually two power centers.
More so, the Maoists are not like those traditional political parties who wish to stick on the chair in any circumstances. We are not that shameless party as others are and thus we came out from the government.
Yes! We could have struggled as your have rightly said. We pondered over that very option as well, but wisdom demanded that it would be more realistic and opportune to wage the struggle from both street and the parliament.
A sort of moral pressure was on our party because of the reinstatement of the sacked Army chief which also forced us to opt for the resignation option which has now facilitates us to heat both the streets and the parliament.
Take it this way but not as a defeated mentality.
TGQ2: It is rumored that your party was awaiting a ruse to quit the government as your government had become unable to perform. Is the Army Chief episode just the ruse to quit the government? Now also tell us that the emerging situation is bit different and thus where the people's war and the Nepal 's Communist Movement stood at the moment? Your opinions please.
Narayan Kaji: This allegation is hundred percent baseless. Albeit, the expectations that the people have had from our government could not be fulfilled. I agree to it. The transitional phase and the coalition sort of government came in the way. We were thinking on how to work for the people in a much more effective manner. We haven't fled for fear of any sort of mis-performance.
The people's war is not like the one what we have had in the past but then yet the revolutionary struggle remains intact. Keeping the strategic objectives of the people's war, we are at a different stage of struggle. The mode has only changed, the essence remains the same. The already stated strategy remains as it is. Rest assured.
As regards the Nepali revolution, well! It is proceeding with its own unique identity and in the process we have come to this stage of peace process and for the drafting of a new constitution.
Now our entire efforts will be aimed at integration of the Armies and draft a constitution and establish a "People's Democratic National Federal Republic". We will write a constitution that will be against feudalism and imperialism. But the reactionaries and the imperialists have been impeding the drafting of the new constitution. This is the main issue where the fight between the two forces is on. We believe in the safeguarding of national pride and are engaged in this regard, however, others are blocking our way in their own styles. If the domestic and the international reactionary forces continue to put hurdles in our main objectives, we will have no option left other than to wage a final decisive war against those forces-the reactionaries indeed.
TGQ3: While forming government, your party claimed of several miracles to happen. However, those were not forthcoming. Now you say that the constitution will be made in favor of the people. How come this? Is it only a hollow assurance to the people or some thing else?
The way, as you claim, you were not allowed to function in the government, the same manner other parties may not allow you to draft the constitution of your liking in the coming days. What say you?
Narayan Kaji: You look at the chain of political events that have unfolded in the mean time. We proved ourselves correct when we said that elections to the constituent assembly were possible. It became a reality as against what others claimed then. It was basically our agenda which was later beamingly followed by all those who had been against such an election.
The constitution which we prefer may not be allowed to be written but we will succeed in the long run. The people themselves will force others to take our line then though obstacles may crop up in the process.
The attack or say the main target of the People's War and the last Revolution was not only the Monarchy but also the traditional parliamentary system. What the people need today is the forward looking People's Republic which is in essence the People's Democratic Republic where people remain sovereign and their supremacy prevails. People's Republic can only guarantee national pride which obliterates the entire feudal and imperial symptoms prevailing in the society. This is the best system that suits to the needs of the common workers, peasants and the exploited ones of this country.
Those who will prefer to object to proceed in this regard will be automatically sidelined by the people. We can thus hope that we will be able to frame a people's constitution of our preference.
As regards to your supplementary question, let me tell you frankly that no force on earth can challenge the strength and the will of the people. However, this does not mean that our aim will not pass through obstacles, but will be sidelined by the people themselves ultimately.
But if the people feel that their preferences are being challenged by some quarters they will wage a sort of final battle against those who come in their way. The revolution in that case will be imminent.
TGQ4: You have been telling the people that the President staged a Coup d'etat. But how is it a Coup? If so then how will you proceed in the days ahead against the Presidential decision? Why would be your comment?
Narayan Kaji: That is crystal clear. The President wanted to find his role going out of the ambit of the constitution. His decision has established that we have two equally powerful centers in the State. This in itself tantamount to a Coup d'etat. Yes! It was not a military Coup d'etat although.
We demand that the President's decision must be taken back at any cost. We have already declared our struggle against the decision. We will coordinate the struggle of both the streets and the parliament. We will force him to take his decisions back come what may. If he doesn't come to terms as demanded by our party then indeed the peace process and the drafting of the new constitution will see a major set back.
We just want to bring the derailed interim constitution on track. We will thus restore the lost people's supremacy.
TGQ5: What the President should do now? What if the President doesn't retract from his previous decision? How the politics will go then? Your remarks please.
Narayan Kaji: The President should reverse his decision. For that he should make null and void the decision that facilitated the sacked Army Chief Katwal to retain his post. More over, if the President wants to keep up to the prestige and pride of the Presidential institution, he must apologize to the people unconditionally.
Well, if he doesn't then we will not allow the parliament to run. We though want a new government in place that honors the people's supremacy but not that of the Army's. In fact, the interim constitution has been derailed. The formation of a new government with the constitution derailed will not get sanction of our party. That's all.