Thursday, May 25, 2017

The Korean War - A History by Bruce Cumins



Democracy and Class Struggle says there are many misconceptions about Korea and North Korea and even if we do not agree with all Liberal Bruce Cumins says - he clearly has a more real and rational understanding of the Korean Peninsula which is needed today more than ever - General MacMaster and Mattis seem to be driving policy towards North Korea and informed people like Bruce Cumins are treated with the contempt of Old China Hands in the 1950's who were said to have lost China - China was never their's and neither is Korea and the US can find out the easy way or the hard way.


SEE ALSO:


http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2013/03/alan-winnington-and-taejon-massacre.html



UNCOVERING THE HIDDEN HISTORY OF THE KOREAN WAR: THE WORK OF SOUTH KOREA'S TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION from Eric Sirotkin's Ubuntuworks on Vimeo.

Celebrating 50 Years since Naxalbari : Part 4 by Harsh Thakor



                              These Articles reflect the personal opinions of Harsh Thakor

CONTRIBUTION OF MAOIST COMMUNIST CENTRE

Never a part of the C.P.I.(M.L.) stream but played the greatest role in the revolutionary movement and practice of protracted peoples war of Bihar 2nd in contribution in India only to C.P.I(M.L.) Peoples War and able to form a guerilla army on it's very own.

Justl like PWG in Andhra Pradesh,several actions were performed which did not take into account the state and development of the agrarian revolutionary movement in their respective areas. Athough mass organizations were formed they were utilized as mere front organizations of the M.C.C and hardly any open functioning. .

Legal and open mass struggles were neglected to a considerable extent. The Krantikari Kisan Committees functioned secretly and unlike the Rytu Collie Sangham and Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samit hardly initiated open mass mobilization.; One theoretical weakness of the Maoist Communist Centre was it's upholding the Lin Biaoist analysis of 'Era of total collapse of Imperialism’ and equating it with ‘Maoism’.

This denies the fact that it is the 'era of imperialism' as profounded by Comrade Lenin. It also joined the Revolutionary Internationalist movement ,a Communist International Organization,which was prematurely formed, without adequate development of the World Communist Movement.

However deployed most innovative methods in developing the struggle of the Krantikari Kisan Committe's which heroically carried out land seizures,carrying out para-military type armed actions and in developing a genuine red army corpse.

Professor G.N.Saibaba felt it’s contribution was on the plane of the PWG.

The fact that it survived the onslaughts of the state as a single organization for 35 years is one of the greatest achievements in the annals of the Communist movement.


Although it deployed very sectret functioning it used some of the most creative methods in emulating the PWG  and creating the women’s organisation The Nari Mukti Sangh.No group took peoples war  to such a high stage  in Bihar.

excerpt from Storming the gates of haeven by Amit Bhattacharya.

MCC activity in Bihar centered around Gaya and Hazaribagh districts.During those days Chattra ,Giridh and Kodarma districts were part of modern Hazaribagh district and Aurangabad, Jehanabad , Nanda and some other districts were part of Gaya zone.

From a historical point of view ,the place which could be regarded as the cradle of MCC was one called Challo.l Just as Party Unity work started with JP activists ,The MCC worked in Bihar started with converted activists of Forward bloc.

Through the establishment of Krantikari Kisan Committes MCC launched massive struggles against feudalism and imperilalist control in many areas.

The revolutionary peasants carried out attacks one after another against the feudal forces,confiscated their movable and immovable property, and distributed land among the poor and landless peasants through the KKC.The granaries owned by landlords were systematically destroyed by thousands of angry peasants.

Thousands of acres of land were distributed to the tillers implementing the slogan of land to the tiller,as also thousands of maund sof rice andwheat among the poor people.In place of the feudal yoke in the countryside,they had created the organs of peoples power.

They confiscated the weapon sof the landlords ,arrested them for the misdeeds,subjected them to trial by courts set up by people themselves and meted out punishment.The private armies set up be feudal forces were wiped out,,police statio swere attacked and weapon sesized to arm guerilla squads.

Workers were organized to fight aginst the forest contractors for increase in daily wages ,and to put an end to police repression in the forets and the establishment of the authority of the kcc.The party also n put an end to obscene dance performances,rape,liquor consumption,dacoity and theft,caste conflicts and communal riots.

An important achievement of the M.C.C in Bihar was the destruction of the headquarters of the opressive feudal forces at Dalocok Baghaura in Gaya in 1987.

The MCC spread it's network to Dhanbad,Giridhi and Hazaribagh districts of Jharkhand area inhaibited by adivasis.

Inspite of facing untold repression the MCC could expand areas of stuggle to other regions.These include Ranchi,Singhbum,some districts of Odisha Deoghar,Dumka,Jamui,Monghyr,Banka Bhagalpur and some other aresa.

On the other side it covered Chatra ,Palamu,Latehar,Gumla and Lohardaga in Garwa district.They also penetrated Assam as well as Tripura.The ruling classes went every inch to supress the M.C.C.in campaign slike 'Operation Sidharth','Operation Agnidut,'' Rakshak, 'Flashlight.' etc.M.C.C.was banned as well as it's front Jan Suraksha Manch.

In October 1969 the MCC was formed. It was Com. Kanai Chatterjee who laid the basic line for their Centre in the very first issue of “Lal Pataka” brought out in 1969.

The important topics dealt with were:

(a) the importance of Maoism (then called ‘thought’) in the present era,
(b) in the present situation the tactical line and tactical slogans, the correct policy towards the participation in elections and a correct analysis of the boycott of elections, saying that though it was a question of tactics, it acquires the significance of strategy in the concrete conditions of India,
(c) the Correct line regarding the armed agrarian revolutionary war, that is, protracted people’s war including army building and base areas
(d) correct orientation towards forms of struggle (open and secret, legal and illegal, peaceful and armed),
(e) the programme, tactics and methods of the peasant struggle,
(f) approach and method towards the UF, (h) political propaganda
(g on the women’s question, the student movement and the nationality question in India, and
h) methods of leadership..(excerpted from Peoples March Nov-Dec 2004 issue)

The founding documents of the M.C.C. stressed the importance of base areas in he revolutionary process.”

If we are to build armed agarian revolution,a peoples army and red base areas ,we will always have to remain firm on some basic principles regarding their inter-relation. The building up and consolidation of the armed agrarian revolution, peoples army and base areas -these tasks are related to each other. “If we are to build up an agrarian revolution no peoples army can be built up.

Similarly an agrarian revolution cannot be built up without a Peoples Army..Again without a peoples army no base area can be built up. Similarly without base areas the very existence of peoples army cannot be maintained.

It is only through agrarian revolutionary guerilla struggle and the establishment of the peoples army that a red base area can be built up Again through this work alone can the revolutionary high tide can be accelerated throughout the country,and depending on the base areand with the help of he Peoples Army,the agrarian revolution alo can be consolidated,deepened an expanded.”This statement was he chief demarcating factor of the M.C.C with the C.P.I.(M.L).

Some references from July-Oct 1997 issue of Vanguard regarding polemical differences of M.C C with Peoples War Group.

Quoting Kanhai Chaterjee “It is wrong to say that Dakshin Desh Group left the A.I C.C.R because of it’s differences on the issue of immediate formation of he [party.A.I.C.C.R.did not recognize any group with aseparate identity like he 'Dakshin Desh Groups as it's constituents. No representative of this group was a member of the East Bengal Co-ordination Committee. Or of he A.I.C.C.R."

The M.C.C made the following criticism of the C.P.I(M.L) 'Naturally as the party was formed without following the revolutionary process, method and style, some known degenerated elements could capture some posts in the leadership from he beginnings. This facilitates undeclared groups and a tendency of group mentality and bureacratism replacing democratic Centralism.'

Kanhai Chaterjee stated "We have to give utmost importance on organising extensive political campaign and political exposure campaign on a large scale. 

Only this will take us towards he path of Peoples War and inspire the masses to politics of Socialism, peoples Democracy and armed peoples dictatorship under the leadership of the working class.

In view of he present semi-colonial and semi-feudal society of India the exposure of the economy an politics at present and the propogation of the politics of agrarian evolution or peoples democratic revolution will take the centre sage in the whole programme.

Phases of struggle of M.C.C

The first phase can be stretched from 1964 to 1968 and began when the revisionist line was established at the first Congress of the CPI (M).

i) drawing a clear line of demarcation with the revisionists in the political and organizational fields,
(ii) linking the daily revolutionary practice of Indian revolution to the theory
(iii) developing a political and tactical line not merely as a formality, but giving it a concrete structure in various spheres of activity and
(iv) based on these revolutionary policies, style and method, and in the course of revolutionary struggles and guided by a revolutionary theory, to build a revolutionary party.

The second phase, which stretched from 1969 to 1978, was a period of implementation of the party's line, policies and plans. It was a period of gaining practical experience towards the path of establishing the 'Red Agrarian Revolutionary Resistance War.' Work was begun on this basis in the Sundarbans, 24 Parganas, Hoogli, Midnapur, Kanksa, Gaya and Hazaribagh. Of these experiences the most encouraging was that of Kanksa and Hazaribagh. 

Here, a wide movement was built on issues like wage hike, seizure of crops, fertiliser problem, confiscation of grains from landlords and against various forms of political and social oppression. Also, a wide mass movement was built, some notorious landlords punished and steps were taken towards disarming of the enemy and arming the people.

However although claiming to defer from Charu Mazumdar's line in their actual working process ,their practice was virtually The same. The Maoist Communist Centre also deployed the tactic of "Individual annihilation of the Class Enemy.'It was Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee who made a rectification of the line where the formation of mass organizations and bulding of mass movements was indispensable.

The M.C.C did not build separate peasant organization but had a strategy to build the KrantiKari Kisan Commitees.

These Committees tried the landlords and re-distributed land to the landless peasants. Punishments weRe awarded to guilty Landlords.Mass Fronts were also built in he student,youth women and Cultural Front.

The Nari Mukti Sangh,a mass organization of women led a significant movement. It was in 1978 when the MC.C made a self-correction and decided to form mass organizations like the Revolutionary Peasants Committee. The mistakes of the past were analysed.

The third phase, which stretched from 1979 to 1988, was a period of taking the lessons, both positive and negative, of the second phase and enriching both the theory and practice. 

In this phase the MCC focused on Bihar; and with the perspective of building a people's army and base area, the Bihar-Bengal Special Area Committee was established, the 'Preparatory Committee for Revolutionary Peasant Struggles' was formed and soon Revolutionary Peasant Councils emerged. 

In this phase militant struggles developed and the landlords' authority smashed, thousands of acres of land seized and distributed to the landless, and property of the landlords seized and distributed..

Work on Mass Fronts

In the open mass work the Maoist Communist Centre formed the first revolutionary Student Organisation in Bihar ,the Revolutionary Students League and a strong Cultural organizations,the Krantikari Budhijibi Sangh and the Krantikari Sanskritik Sangh. .

It also set up various units of the Krantikari Kisan Commitees,which carried out Peoples Courts against class enemies and distributed land to the tiller.

 They also consolidated it’s peasant movement . Another Significant contribution og the M.C C was the work of their women’s front organization,the ‘Nari Mukti Sangh”They played a major role leading tribal revolts of women.in Bihar However by the late 1990’s its student and youth front was totally destroyed by enemy forces.

The party recruited 500 wholetimers and more than 10000 members.The Emergence of revolutionary student organisations was of great significance in Bihar. The Revolutionary Students League led by the Maoist Communist Centre was the first ever Revolutionary Student organisation which carried out the first ever Go to Villages campaign in Bihar by a student front in 1989.

In that campaign they upheld the Chinese Revolution in commemorating the 40th anniversary year.

A Village campaign was also held in1993 protesting against the Death Sentence on M.C.comrades in the Dalechauk Baghera Uprising in Aurangabad and against the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992,where a cycle rally was also held.Memorable Comrades of the Maoist Communist Centre.

In 1978 Comrdae Jeeblal and several cadres were responsible or he rectification line in the M.C.C.Comrade Jeblal Mahto was martyred .Comrade Mahato was a peasnt activist who was killed I apolice encounter. Comrade Kamdeo,was the son of a middle peasant.

Who left college to work as arailway labourr.On August 7th 1984 he was engulfed by the police while staging a meeeting of the Krantikari Kisan Commiteee.

He was shot in cold blood with his hands tied behind his back.His last wordswere ‘Long ive the Revolution.’ Comrade Rameshwar Yadav was the son of a middle peasant.

In 1976 he joined the M.C.C an became an important peasant leader .He led armed actions with immaculate skill. Ironically he was killed on Republic day while conducting a meeting in Lenjoa village in Hazirabagh district.

Kranti Kari Kisan Committee.(Notes compiled From Aloke Banerjee’s article from 'World to win' and A.I R.S F.publication(Naxalabari.-Not just the name of a village” -commemorating 30 years) Struggles were adopted through a huge network of villages. In the initial stages a Krantikari Kisan Sanharsh Committee was formed.(Preparatoty Committee for Revolutinary Peasnt Styruggles)When the peasants were organized in large numbers under this banner,these committees wee developed into full fledged Krantikari Kisan Commitees’.(Revolutionay Peasant Councils) The 2 slogans raised were “All land to the Real Tillers’ and ALL Power to the Peasant Commitees”. The rape and molestation of wome was taken up in al earnest .Notorious dacoits were punished. The forcible harvesting of crops planted by landlords on gair-Mazruia land was also challenged and they were seized by he Revolutionary Comitees. All types of disputes wre challenged at the village level Armed Red Defence Corpses were active in supporting the struggles.Self defence squads were formed of the village youth. The main areas struggle were Hazaribagh, Gaya and Aurangabad.

One famous action was carried out on landlord Rameshwar Singh.For years the peasants were trampled by the landlords iron feet. On January 6th 1983 the Kisan Committee gathered at is ‘Kacheri’. He was arrested and tried. They not only killed him but burnt his house. This was the first time that he people seriously saw the need of combining mass struggles with armed movements.
From Gaya to Dhanbad,the struggle spread to Bokaro,Aurangabad,Hazaribagh and Giridih. Later in land seizure movements starting in fulls wing from 1986 to 1990,7000 acres of land were re-distributed.They also raised spectacular squad actios.

In August 2001 an armeds quad under the leadership of the Maoist Communist Centre stopped a truckload og grain and distributed half thes sacks of pulses to the masses,before they wee forced to retreat by the arrival of police enforcements.

The next ,night they repeated the experience halting,8000 strong,5 trucks on the Grand Trunk Road. Slogans were shouted calling for confiscating the moneylenders good sto distributr amogst the poor,to establish the authority of the revolutionary peasnt committees and protect the people from starvation. Before the goods were distributed,thirty jeeploads of police arrived at the scene.For hours there was afierce combat as the revolutionaries had laid mines.

MCC combatants heroically resisted the might of the police forces.(From Aloke Banerjee’s Article-’Inside M.C.C Country’)

A special court in Gaya had meted out a life imprisonment to a number of members of the Krantikari Kisan Committee which had led an uprising in the 1990’s that had seen the militant involvement of thousands of poor anmd middle peasants.The M.C.C called for a 72 hour bandh in Bihar and Jharkahnd in protest. Railway tracks were blocked, Schools and colleges boycotted,courts boycotted,shops and markets closed Etc. Revolutionary raids in retaliation were organized by the M.C.C during the 3 day bandh. IN Lohardaga,Gumla etc.(Aloke Banerjee-’Inside M.C.C country.
This trend spread all over and hundreds of landlords were brought to he book. Guilty landlords we shaved and paraded in public. The most notorious we sentenced to death. Some even repented and were forgiven. hey would now operate under he watchful administration of he Committee. All the ‘Kacheri’s’ were razed to the ground.

Famous examples were Moha Khan of Kadirganj I Gaya,Madhumati ingh of Balia,Surakasha Singh ofPachmi,,Main Singh the owner of 2900 acres in Pipra and the Mahant of Bodhgaya.The famous words ‘Utha Hai ToofanZamana Badal Raha’ were now echoing all over.(A storm has risen ,the times are changing).The M.C.C also called ahistoric 72 hour bandh I Bihar and Jharkhand against he death sentence ofn membersof the Krantikari Kisan Committee who had led ahistoric uprising. Schools, colleges,courts, offices, shops and markets remained closed.All movement of vehicles virtually ceased. Railway services came to a standstill.

Thousands of people lay on the railway tracks. Business came to a standstill. Revolutionary raids were organized in Lohardaga ,Gumla and elsewhere.

Memorable Actions (Compiled from ‘A World to Win Article by Aloke Banerjee and from A.I.R.S.F.booklet-’Naxalbari is not just the name of a Village’ The M.C C. launched a series of military type attacks on the police and military forces.. On December 2002 , The M.C C was able to disarm 66 jawans in a raid when they captured 50 weapons after attacking a police contingent in Jharkhand. In his appraisal of the Movement of M.C.C Prakash Singh (Former Inspector General of Police in his book The Naxalite Movement in India) States:The M.C.C has been running a parallel judicial system in certain pockets.

These are described as Jan Adalat or Peoples Courts. Farzand Ahmed of India Today writes this example,”Silence descends as Laxman, the area commander of M.C.C , a sinister figure with his face covered appears.The 2 accused, with their hands tied behind their backs are brought in.Laxman launches into his ideological monologue ‘In today’s system, the toiling masses working hard but get nothing to eat. On the other hand, these bastard thieves lift goats and diesel. He then asks the villagers to select 5 judges. The 5 judge bench hears he charges and announces its verdict -5 lathi blows and 5 slaps by each children publicly.

The verdict ,confirmed by the people by a voice vote is quickly executed, accompanied by the requisite
slogan’ Naxalbari Ek Hi Rasta.’

To me one of the most significant historical weaknesses of M.C C was their challenging the authenciy of the C.P.I(M.L) formed by Charu Mazumdar.

The most important question of historic assessment was their original difference with the original C.P.I(M.L) and later why it developed serious differences with the Peoples War Group or Party Unity Group to the extent that even inter-group clashes occurred on a wide scale.

This reflected he defective military line of both the erstwhile Peoples War Group and the M.C.C. True they resolved it ultimately but did they analyse the root cause of the clashes and rectify those aspects of the line that caused them?

Although M.C.C led a historic armed struggle it's movement was vitiated with serious defects. The organization was unable to develop a correct mass military line .Several actions were performed which did not take into account the state and development of the agrarian revolutionary movement in their respective areas. Such actions instead of basing themselves on people's mass movements, substituted them.

Athough mass organizations were formed they were utilized as mere front organizations of the M.C.C and not given a distinct open identity .Legal and open mass struggles were neglected to a considerable extent. The Krantikari Kisan Committees functioned secretly and unlike the Rytu Collie Sangham and Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samit hardly initiated open mass mobilization.;

The relation between armed struggle and open mass activity was hardly developed . Open mass struggles were reqired during repression of democratic rights,communal riots ETC.During the 1993 Babri Masjid riots,there were hardly any open mass movements organized in opposition (although mass fronts launched some protests)A separate revolutionary peasant organization was not formed.

 There was also confusion between caste and class struggle.Acts were launched against oppression of down trodden cates without taking into account class analysis.(1987 Dalechauk-Baghera massacre of RAjputs being he best example)Work on the trade Union sphere was neglected and hardly any emphasis was placed on building revolutionary struggle with the urban areas.(WEst Begal is he best example)Party poltical organs were hardly openy propgated like the ‘Vaaguard’ of the PWG.

One theoretical weakness of the Maoist Communist Centre was it's upholding the Lin Biaoist analysis of 'Era of total collapse of Imperialism 'in the Socialist and Cultural Revolution Period.

This denies the fact that it is the 'era of imperialism' as profounded by Comrade Lenin. It also joined the Revolutionary Internationalist movement ,a Communist International Organization,which was prematurely formed, without adequate development of the World Communist Movement.

Wednesday, May 24, 2017

Who Started the Korean War on June 25th 1950 ?

Alert: US Attack on North Korea is Imminent says George Friedman of Stratfor - Geopolitical Futures



Democracy and Class Struggle says this interview by George Friedman of Stratfor should alarm us - it is quite possible on Trump's return to the United States that some pre-emptive attack on North Korea is carried out - the real and rational have ceased to exist in the White House - we hope South Korea can stop this disasterous course by a timely intervention - someone needs to act to prevent a catastrophe occurring on the Korean Peninsula putting at risk 70 million Korean Lives North and South.

China and Russia should wake up as this attack is planned to bring US troops to Chinese and Russian Far Eastern Border.


South Korea, Russia and China need to meet urgently to prevent US Attack on North Korea.


China and Russia with North  Korea should activate all Defense Systems on High Alert




SEE ALSO:

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/north-korea-urges-usa-to-take.html



http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/plan-trump-if-north-korea-doesnt-give.html


http://www.thedrive.com/the-war-zone/10615/trump-lets-slip-that-american-subs-may-be-ready-to-attack-north-korea

The Wider Impact of the Manchester Attack

Democracy and Class Struggle Celebrating 50 Years since Naxalbari May 25th 1967



Maoists are the Real Communists by Jaison Cooper


Celebrating 50 Years since Naxalbari by Harsh Thakor

Part 1 

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/celebrating-50-years-since-naxalbari.html

                                                   Part 2 

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/celebrating-50-years-since-naxalbari_23.html

                                                   Part 3 

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/3.html

                                                                Part 4

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2017/05/celebrating-50-years-since-naxalbari_25.html





Naxalite


Album: Rafi's Revenge

Brothers and sisters of the soul unite
We are one indivisible and strong
They may try to break us but they dare not under estimate us
They know our memories are long
A mass of sleeping villages
That's how they're pitching it
At least that's what they try to pretend
But check out our history
So rich and revolutionary
A prophecy that we will rise again
That we will rise again...

Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power
Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power

Deep in the forest
High up in the mountains
To the future we will take an oath
Like springing tigers we encircle the cities
Our home is the undergrowth
Because I am just a naxalite warrior
Fighting for survival and equality
Police man beating up me, my brother and my father
My mother crying can't believe this reality
And we will rise again
And we will rise again...

Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power
Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power

Jump into the future dub zone

Roots rockers

And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
It's ours

Because I am just a naxalite warrior
Fighting for survival and equality
Police man beating up me, my brother and my father
My mother crying can't believe this reality

Iron like a Lion from Zion
This one going all the youth, man and woman
Orginal Master D upon the microphone stand
Cater for no skeptical man- me no give a damn

'Cos me a naxalite warrior



Celebrating 50 Years since Naxalbari : Part 3 by Harsh Thakor




3.. CONTRIBUTION OF ERSTWHILE CONSTITUENTS  OF THE  C.P.I.(MAOIST)


Translation for  foreign readers


‘Zamindar’ means landlord

‘Kachery ‘is a landlord’s house

‘Gherao’ mean surround


3A. CONTRIBUTION OF C.P.I. (M.L.) PARTY UNITY

Before 1987 leading the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti the C.P.I.(M.L.) Party Unity morally deferred armed struggle to build revolutionary mass peasant resistance. 

The PU group only launched mass resistance struggle till 1987 but built an outstanding peasant movement through the M.K.S.S.It was an important chapter in India's history of revolutionary movement.

In my view the organization gave some telling examples of mass line  struggle in areas of Jehanabad and Palamau.

Arguably it’s greatest achievement was resurrecting the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti which was banned in 1986 to from the Mazdor Kisan Mukti Manch and finally the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parsihad.

In the view of Arjun Prasad Singh, a former leader of the M.K.S.S.movement before 1987 not a single armed squad action was launched and only collective resistance with people’s armed weapon was s launched.

A base was created for the later armed movements by meticulous resistance.aginst landlord armies.Armed squads only protected the mass organization against police or landlord attacks.. 

The struggle created by the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti.created  abase for armed developments .Significant differences from the approach of the Maoist  Communist Centre who never operated their peasant organization openly.

The PU group also attraced more intellectuals than the MCC or PW groups and had more openly functioning peasant struggles.In late 1980’s to 90’s it also  created youth organizations like Bharat Naujwan Sabha as well as the student organization Democratic students Union.

They highlighted the open aspect of the work of the PU in Bihar particularly though go to village campaigns ,protest agisnt Hindu Comunal fasism and repression on democratic rights,abuses in hospitals or schools etc.

In West Bengal the Revolutionary Students Association played the same role.

It played a major role in combating and isolating the Ranvir Sena from 1996-98. In fact after 1998 when merging with the PWG the mass movement it led declined with sole emphasis on military actions.

The 1997 ,'30 years of Naxalbari commemoration' booklet gave great praise to the M.K.S.S.for spreading the peasant movement from Jehenabad to other districts in Bihar like wildfire and for exhibiting strong tendencies of massline.

It praised the Party Unity section for building genuine armed revolutionary striking power fluttering the red flag in vast areas of land and combating the menace of combating the senas of the landlords and Upper castes. 

Red Defense squads intervened to protect the peasant resistance struggles . I personally heard accounts from speakers of the Lok Sangram Morcha in an anti-repression campaign in 1990 and visited Patna in 2001.

Even when starting armed struggle in the main and directing it towards the state from late 1980’s to 1990’s the PU had the broadest open mass peasant movements and organizations amongst groups practicing armed struggle..

 In the view of researcher Bela Bhatia who worked with the Lok Sangram Morcha (front of the Party Unity group) from 1993-96, the C.P.I.(M.L.) Party Unity did the best work within the revolutionary camp in Bihar as it built mass movements and did not place one -sided emphasis on guerrilla armed squad actions carried out by defence squads .

It played a major role in combating and isolating the Ranvir Sena from 1996-98. In fact after 1998 when merging with the PWG the mass movement it led declined with sole emphasis on military actions.The 1997 ,'30 years of Naxalbari commemoration' booklet gave great praise to the M.K.S.S.for spreading the peasant movement from Jehenabad to other districts in Bihar like wildfire and for exhibiting strong tendencies of massline.

It praised the Party Unity section for building genuine armed revolutionary striking power fluttering the red flag in vast areas of land and combating the menace of combating the senas of the landlords and Upper castes. Red Defense squads intervened to protect the peasant resistance struggles . I personally heard accounts from speakers of the Lok Sangram Morcha in an anti-repression campaign in 1990 and visited Patna in 2001

The primary weakness of the C.P.I/(M.L.) Party Unity was it’s insufficient development of the red defense armed squads

Below I have excerpted and compiled notes from Professor Amit Bhattacharya's book 'Storming the Gates of Heaven'. from part on Struggle in Bihar,pages 112-118.

The political and tactical line that the PU adopted and reflected both continuity and also departure from the old C.P.I.(M.L.) line.

First,the old line was inspired by the desire to develop armed agrarian struggle ,but it preached the line of 'annihilation of class enemies.'by secret squads as a solution to all problems.Such a policy was opposed to massline ,mass movements and mass organizations.

That line was negated ,dialecticallly,as they sttae, in the sense taht annihilatin as a line was rejected,but anihilation as a form of struggle,selective annihilation of class enemies strictly in the interest of the development of class struggle and in accordance with requirements of a situatio remained.

Second in view of the existence of private caste-based armies of the landlords,like Bhumi Sena,the Kunwar Sena , Brahmarshiu Sena and many others under different names,the neccesity of getting armed was felt by everybody.One could never preach politic sor even live without posessing arms both for self-defence and counter-attack.

These armed squads were not particularly meant for annihilation of class enemies,unlike what was seen during the 1st phase.Even in the interest of carrying on partial struggles or struggles for immediate neds did people have to posess arms Third, it was also realized that in the struggles for socio-economic issues ,mass movement wa simportant.

However,in view of the huge quantity of arms posesed ,legally and otherwise,by the evil gentry and the atrocities perpetarted by armed gangs of landlords,the masses had to be convinced of the party's military strength,

In many parts of Bihar armed-counter revolutionary forces faced armed revolutionary forces and the battle had to be bloody and brutal.

That precisely was the reason why armed squads were formed at the initiative of the PU to protect and develop mass struggles.

Without this assurance ,the MKSS would not have been able to penetrate in the Gaya-Patna border region.Only because of the armed presence of revolutionary forces that mass organization scan be formed and mass movements could be launched.

The struggle launched by M.K.S.S.on socio-economic issues in the eraly eighties acheived notable results.The landless peasnts forced the landlords to pay the stipulated minumum wage which was more than double than the amount paid earlier.

In Bihar the work was concentrated in the Ptna-Gaya region particularly in the Jehenabad sub-division.of Gaya and Palamau district.The PU commenced work in the plains of the district bordering Aurangabad.There was hardly any scope to combine legal and ilegal form sof struggle,and so armed propagand aunits were developed at the initial stahe.

One of the martys of the Palamau struggle was Krishna Singh who was assaulted by an armed gang belonging to a village in Husainabad on 17 June 1984.

Comrade Krishna Singh sowed the seds for revolutionary struggle.The scarifice of Krishn aSingh played a major role in rousing the masesThe mass upsurge spread like wildfire demanding the arrest of the murderer and eventually the assasins were brought to the book.

Within the next 6 months,the mass struggles on the issues of fair wages for agricultural labourers,for abolition of various bondages and aginst feudal opression in general,rapidly spread to about thirty vilages in Hussainabad.The main area of the struggle was Japla.

To deal with the armed attacks by the landlords by the landlords army,armed squads were formed by the party with whaterver arms available

In 1985 ,the movement expanded covering Hussainabad, Mohamad ganj, Bisrampur, and some parts of Chtrapur.It alos spread to adjacent villages of the Nabinagar block of Aurangabad district.

 Main features of the struggle were a series of mass meetings agitating for more wages and in some regions,for land,crops and aginst usury.In forest area of Bisrampur and Mohandaganj,a militant mass movement took place againts the landlords and their musclemen who extorted 'rangdari ' tax from the poor who collected dry firewood.

Political struggles were also waged .On 24th March 1986 a large number of political activists assembled before Chhatrapur police station and snatched their leader Jagdeo Sharma from the police van despite police firing that caused their death.Large numbers of women participated.

A huge contingent opf women encircled the Hyderanagar police station protesting aginst arest of leaders of the mass organization.The police were so fightened at the militancy of the peole that they publicly apologized.

On April 19th ,1986 a massacre took place in Arwal where 23 peasants were killed. 40,000 people armed with weapons participated in rally towrads the legislative asembly. A few days later the M.K.SS.wsas banned The P,U extended to the Panki bloc where thee were countles sincidents of rifle snatching. by the peole and arming of suqads.

Earlier in 1985 the peasants under the M.K.S.S. leadership carried on social boycot of the landlords,seized crops waged strikes formed people's panchayats ,and fought the local bullies.In the 19990's,the movement took on an anti-state character .when landlords formed private armies with backing of the state.

In 1989 in Delhi  C.P.I. (M.L.) Party Unity formed mass front, Lok Sangram Morcha-a joint front of  7 organizations was formed in Bihar ,which led a convention in Delhi in 1989.It was attended by sections of a huge stream of revolutionary groups from Liberation, Communist League of India, Chandra Pulla Reddy Resistance group, New Democracy group etc.Played a great role in organizing against state repression.

The Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad played a significant role in Bihar in the 1999 All India campaign by the erstwhile All India Peoples Resistance Forum against state repression in Andhra Pradesh,Dandkaranya and Bihar. 

It also staged a state level rally in Patna in March 1999.It is remarkable as though it was officials banned as the M.K SS it revived to function under the most repressive conditions as the M.K.S.P.

Red salutes in memory of Krishna Singh on 30th death anniversary!

Social activist and rsearch worker Bela Bhatia interviewed activists of the Mazdoor Kisan angram Samiti (M.K S S.).Below I am quoting an excerpt from her interview.

Feudalism will have to be rooted out steadily, otherwise it will uproot you.

It lies like a shadow to every person and until it  is rooted out revolution cannot be achieved.Before the organization came we did not have knowledge. The organization gave us education regarding the present system and he need to overthrow it.

India is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal Country. There is foreign capital also in our country. We have to end this foreign capital an utilize the capital of our own country.

The downtrodden people have to rise above the system.Each individual should get education. 

We got books to read about Marx,Lenin and Mao From these we learnt that Mao was a revolutionary and so were Lenin and Mao Tse Tung.We read a little about all the 3.We have not read a lot but understood that what Marx and Lenin wanted to say was that this rotten system should be destroyed, the exploitation of one human being by another should end, human kin should be liberated from this. This is what the leaders have to say.

Below I am publishing some testimonies of leading members of the M.K.S.S on revolutionary violence.

Without arms we feel that we shall not be able to fight. With arms we feel confident ,we will have the power. We fell that we will be able to settle he fight. If we do not have the armed power ,then how will we counter the Landlords anger. 

Can his anger be countered by wagging our finger at him?


Without armed power it is impossible to ensure peoples protection. If we do not have arms then no one will take our committee seriously. Each will do according to his will. They will think ,What can they do to us. When this power is their, they will fear.


They know that if thy do not obey us the we have the power to destroy them.There will be lot of problems. 

We may even be killed During this period ,many have been matyred .

Seeds are sown I he field in hope that they will grow. S

imilarly, with a dream of Socialism we are walking.

The possession of arms helped resolve some conflicts without actual resort to violence In Nyona village a wage issue was resolved peacefully because of the armed capacity of the organisation. 

A villager stated Because we have arms ,the zamindars have shrunk with fear. Also gangs of bandits and dacoits ,who used to lot peoles houses ,have been vanquished. Because of the atrocities ,the people used to feel very insecure. This has come to an end.




I am quoting another passage fro Bela Bhatias interview. A senior member of the M.K S S stated: In 1979 there was an atmosphere of terror in the villages due to the feudal forces and criminal gangs.

Even though he labourers had heard about us they we too scared to call us. 

However we were able to establish contact with few members of he J.P Movement, and asked him to arrange a meeting with few labourers introducing us as individuals who belonged to a party of the poor.

On the agreed day we met at midnight In the fields. Instead of meeting a small group we met about 50 men.

They were armed with lathis ,bhals and gadasas.The terrorized villagers explained that they would have taken the activists to the village but it was too risky. 

The Maliks had warned them that they would be severely punished if they brought the Naxalites to the village..We activists, emphasized the issues of ,wages, land and basic democratic rights, but explained that it could only be done by our own strength. The People understood this stating, 

We have understood .You are Naxalites,you talk about strength.

People now started coming in large numbers.

At first they were hesitant to speak out. Finally one of them spoke out,

We will now be coming to the  meeting, expecting each time to get arms.
If you are demanding confrontation and armed revolution,should you not provide us with arms.Thus ,I actual fact, they were demanding arms.

Such incidents show the mass approach of the M.K S.S

Below I am submitting a struggle report from a very old issue of the jounal ‘The Comrade’ (No 3 March-1989) from a Northern region of Bihar, in Khagaria district. Originally from 1981 it was led by the  erstwhile C.PI. (M.L.) Party Unity (then called ‘Unity ‘group) which launched the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (worker-peasant organization)in 1979 which was banned in 1986, but resurrected as the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch.

 From late 1988 however the leadership of the struggle in this area was taken over by the Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India.(C.C.R.I.-formed in 1988 ) Although again from around 1992 the Party Unity group re-captured the leadership of the struggle and organization from the C.C.R.I. 

However  even when C.C.R.I started it’s work in Northern Bihar morally  the line of the C.P.I(M.L.) Party Unity(later merged with   the C.P.I.(M.L.)-Peoples war group in 1998)was practiced. 

This report displays the importance of mass revolutionary resistance struggles which have to combine with armed activities of village red self defense corpses.I consider this struggle report although old still of important significance with regards to mass line in Communist revolutionary movement

.It gives a most analytical account of, the various methods and stages of building revolutionary peasant struggle and organization   in light of the revolutionary ideology of Marxism- Leninism -Maoism.To me it is one of the most outstanding examples of implementing revolutionary massline in peasant struggle.

We also commemorate 20 years since land seizure programmes took place in Bihar in 1993..

An important role was also played by the red defense squads.


 Struggle report

About  842 families inhabited  Biharpada with the total population being 5302. Combining it with several small villages of adjoining Chotagaon a panchayat was constituted and the total population becomes 9000. It constituted 51% farm labourers;9 % poor peasants possessing about 14 bighas of land and 7 kathas of land:21% middle peasants possessing about 184 bighas of land:about 8% in –service people possessing about 37 bighas of land:4 % business persons  and other occupants possessing about 2 bighas of land.The surplus land possessed by landlors is 619 bighas Land possessed illegally by rich peasants is about 7 bighas,and thatby middle peasanst 6 bighas.

The masses were subjugated to various types of oppression like: molestation of women-folk :not paying due wages; ruthless usury; usurping land meant for pastures and pathways, devouring most of government aids; availing the fictitious loans for boring,damaging crops of poor etc. Administrative authorities always took the side of the feudal when injustice was protested against.

The main cause of mass frustration was low wages, inciting of communal riots; usurpation of pastures by feudal and land meant for pathways;restrictions on cutting grass,plucking of vegeatables and use of pastures;inciting of quarrels among the poor ,entangling people in false legal cases, molestation of the women folk etc.
  
The masses adopted many forms of protest like mass propaganda assembly, procession gherao, demonstration, crop seizure, wall-poster,hand-bill distributions, crop-dage,exposure of superstitions,progation of scientific views Against the armed feudal attacks when no other method is left-the masses added the method of armed self-defence.

The mass struggle was carried out by the worker- peasant organization under the leadership of the party.The main underlying probem is the disparity of land distribution. Whatever the disparity landholding ,there was time in the past when this land belonged to the ancestors of the poor. 
The land got ransferred from the ancestors of the poor through deception or it was forcibly ploughed. After rendering them landless the sons and daughters of the same peasants were harnessed for labour from birth.The feudal grew wealthier and wealthier and kept permanent share-croppers.

In these circumstances the sharecroppers united to forcibly fight against the landlord tyrant Vikram Singh and Pratap Singh.

In November 1988 the share-croppers sowed the crop and in December the feudal sold the land out of fear.The local feudals then destroyed the crop with the help of illegal rifles and goondas,and re-sowed their crop.

At the end of December ,the activists of the peasant organization roammed door to door in 3 villages explaining the masses about the injustice meted out. Handbills were distributed.The feudals retaliated by putting the false charge of ‘naxalite’ on the group and approached the police,collector and several ministers.Criminal goondas were posted in several villages at the old ‘kachery ‘of the zamindars.
The goondas threatened the people and warned them that they would face dire consequences if they entered the villages.

On February 13th,the masses retaliated and captured the kachery of the feudal,beating up the goondas ,and capturing their arms.Panic was now  created in the group of the feudal whose limitations were exposed.
8 peasants were implicated after feudal beat 7 people by attack in the night.The women resisted this and the next morning 50 women gheraoed the police inspector responsible for the night –raid.

All the respondents were sent to jail. The government set up police camps in the fields of landlords for protecting the crops.

On 1st March the masses like a surging torrent went to the fields and harvested the crop.The police prevented them but only with great resistance from the people.On 15th March hundreds of men and women went to harvest the crop and the police arraived.A major battle took place .one policeman was hurt .The masses returned after harvesting the crops.5 acres of crops were harvested.

 On March 18th, the police tried to arrest the people by raiding their houses in the night.6 innocent peasants were arrested.ome of the crops ripened under the protection of police camps;while the zamindars seized the crops with the aid of guns.

 On March 20th the angry masses gheraoed the collector protesting against the false arrest of 6 peasants and submitted  a memorandum.The collector sympathized with the masses but never really acted.

 The struggle had it’s birth right from 1981.The struggle was launched against tyrant Vikram Singh. A decision was taken to capture the entire land but the arrest of leading comrades postponed the struggle. In October 1985,the crop was sown after capturing the land.

Vikram Singh retaliated with his lackeys but was thwarted by the resistance of the people.The leading activists of the organization displayed great moral courage.
In January 1986,the masses seized the entire crop. The masses numbering hundreds twice captured the kachery of the landlord and captured his entire crop and property.

For selfish interests a section of the feudals supported the struggling people. They played the role of middlemen but the masses detected their ploy and boycotted the compromise.

Later the administrative officials along with the feudal tried to break the unity of the masses.They propogated that the victories of the struggle would only benefit the Harijans,as the government would only distribute land to them.The main local leadership exposed this conspiracy in a meeting explaining that only a collective onslaught of protracted nature would gain victory.In October 1986 the crops were again sownwhile from February to March 1987 ,the struggle started on the question of crop seizure.The masses seized several acres of crop.A police camp was laid at the kachery of the zamindar for protecting the crop.The police prevented the masses from harvesting the crop and promised them the crop at the time of ripening.The masses naively believed him.


 Later,when the crop was ready to be harvested,the landlord aided by the police cut and carried of the harvest.When the peole heard this they lost faith in the adminstartion.

  
In October 1987 the fields were again sown while in February-March 1988,the people captured the entire harvest. On several occasions the armed might of the masses overcame the police who were patrolled at the Kachery of the landlord.
  

In the course of the struggle the authorities promised the masses that the land would be distributed. However they failed to live up to their promise. All the orders agreed to were still on paper inspite of a list submitted to 210 people giving details of the claim sof the people to land.Inspite of the people gheraoing Yamuna Rama,minister of Bihar,the peole’s demands were not met.

  
Some months later after seizing the entire crop, the women were one day going to harvest for wages when the police force and goondas attacked them.13 women and one peasant were arrested. In response, hundreds of people gheraoed the S.D.O. as the collector was absent,and submitted a memorandum The following day all were arrested.

  
It is important to understand why a section of feudals came to the side of the struggling peasants. Before the struggle was initiated the feudal were split into 2 groups . Both groups wished to have the land of this landlord transferred to their name and wanted their dominant position. One section, which superficially supported the struggle, lacked the might of the lathi. 

The other, enemy section possessed the lathi.Thus the weaker feudal tried to infiltrate the organization to use it for their own ends. Although they marginally helped the organization to some extent, the enemy camp of feudals got this section entangled in litigation cases.


When the enemy feel they are unable to tackle the might of the people in a confrontation they entrap them in litigation cases and finish their strength in that process.



In March, 1988 there were 2 instances when nothing would stop the people from capturing the harvest and that the zamindar was defeated. A vanguard section of women met and resolved that for for 3-4 months it may not be necessary for them to attend  the fields. As many of them are share-croppers they could capture the crop and divide it among them-selves. They had deployed their optimum effort in this struggle. The party leadership explained the need for a collective fight. The next day the people went to harvest in small numbers. Then the police attacked them, and the people understood the message of the party and learned from their mistake. Finally,all the people united to capture the harvest and they succeeded.



The main features of the struggle was that it gained support from other classes, democratic individuals etc and benefited from the leadership of the party. Throughout  the struggle the movement consistently trod on the path of mass –line. Legal and Illegal methods were appropriately combined. Effective support was also received from the armed volunteers of the village self-defense corpse.


The lesson that has been learnt most is that if the masses do not get the leadership to match the strength of the movement, their consciousness and demands –or, if the leadership lags behind –then people blame such a leadership  and restore faith in parliamentary parties. It is evident that because of enemy terror ,or because of weaknesses in propaganda ,or lagging consciousness or because demands are not properly formulated, the people retreat in a struggle.

In case of success of the struggle people are all praise for the revolutionary leadership but in case of defeat throw curses on the organization leading the struggle.
Only in the course of struggle has the organization grown and people become more conscious of the exploitative enemy classes. In the course of struggle so much is gained on all sides by the people that witnessing these gains one gains an insight into the bright future ahead.The leadership of the party can only base the struggle on the poor and landless peasants .When in the road of the revolutionary movement ,different classes align themselves there is help from all sides. It is like the relation of bone and muscle.

  
Further peasant struggles(from journal ‘mukti marg’)commemorating 20 years since 1st land seizures.


In 1993 the first central land seizure movement was launched in Bihar by the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch-the ressurected form of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti.The red defense squads too made an important contribution.The major landlords were identified and targeted. The land seizure programme was innaugurated in July 1993 and on 8th July 1993 about 1000 people planted red flags owned by Sudama Singh,a notorious landlord.

A police camp had already been set up and they intervened after the first flags were planted by the peasants in the house of the landlord,threatening them with dire consequences of death.The red peoples defence intervened at this juncture and enabled the peasnts to complete planting the flags2 days later 1000 acres of Kameshawar Baccha were captured in the same village in another block.

Later a historic capture was made of landlord Budhinarayan Sah who owned 1799 acres and lived in Kharaundi village in Bhavantahapur.He used to tie rebellios peasants to huge anthills of red ants  and sprinkle gur on their bodies.From 1991 he people struggled against his tyranny and in 1992 ransacked the house of the landlordand seized his arms.Inspite of a police camp being set up on 25th May 1993 burnt down his palatial house and on 18th July planted flags on his land.From July 8th tp 2nd August 1993,7000 acres of land belonging to the most notorious of landlords of the Palmau -Garwah region was captured.

Similar land struggles took place in 1993 in Jehanabad, Gaya, Ptana, Khagaria, Begusura,Buxar,Rohtas,Bhabhua and Aurangabad districts.

This year we commemorate the 20th anniversay of the martyrdom of Suresh Yadav and 3 members of the red defense squad, Suddeshwar Paswan, Dharmendra Singh and Suryadeo Paswan in fake encounter by the Bihar armed police. 

It took place in context of of major land struggle for capturing 500 acres of land in Gulzarabigha village of Haspura block of Aurangabad district.

In 1993 the revolutionary peasant organization countered the issue of famines in major way,mainly in Palamau,Garwha and Lohardagg districts.

Firtsly pamphleting and postering was done to educate the masses.

Secondly, flood relief was organized 

Thirdly through demonstrations dharnas,public meetings pressure was placed on the administration to implement reforms.

Fourthly,the people were mobilised to seize the stock sof the landlords and hoarders Nearly 2000 mahua trees were seized, several hundred quintals of rice and wheat were seized in a programme which involved thousands of people. 

Notable struggles were those launched against Dharmender Baccha of sunlight Senain the massive fort-like Khalihan of the Ranka estate. 60 acres of land was also seized from Lallan Singh,one of the cruelest leaders of the Sunlight Sena.

The harvesting of his land was carried out during a prolonged battle between the police and the red defense squads of the people.

Student and youth movement led by PU group
or the first time a separate organizational structure was built for students. Several former Bharat Naujavan Sabha activists took up the responsibility of building D.S.U. The strategy of the Democratic Students Union(Bihar) was to organise students on their partial demands as well as connect their problems to the chief political issues of the day. The student movement had to be oriented towards the interests of the agrarian revolution. For achieving the task the Democratic Students Union took up the responsibility of organizing  Go to Village Campaigns . Democratic Students Union also planned to fight against imperialism. as well as democratic
issues.



In the colleges the D.S.U fought against malpractices in Arts colleges as well as engineering colleges. In these institutions unqualified teachers and principals were appointed. Funds were misappropriated by managements. In the Patna Arts College the Principal even stole paintings.D.S.U organised agitations agains this.D.S.U D.S.U declared a lockout in the college not allowing principals and teachers to enter the college.Waris Hadi was made principal in 1994 as he had political links with the governor of Bihar.He sold paintings and illegally appointed several people irrespective of merit. including a lecturer who faced a murder charge. After a protracted student struggle the principal was removed. The president of the then students union was rusticated from the university due to complete collapse of administrative structure in the college. The college was not de-affiliated from the

All India technical Services board which badly affected students.

The D.S.U organised agitations against indifference and politicking in Patna University.70students sat on a dharna for 5 daysand a poster exhibition was organised.Programmes were taken jointly with A.I.S.F,the S.F.I and the A.I.D.S.O. fighting for student s admissions.Dharnas were held against malpractices and corruption. Agitations were also launched against fee hikes. Such examples are in Daltonganj where the students had to clash with the C.P.R.F personnel.

In Patna engineering college the students launched a 6 day hunger strike demanding the opening of a college which had been opened earlier.D.S.U gave soli darity to this issue and burnt an effigy of the education minister.

In the Jharkand areas D.S.U led struggles for tribals in schools to be taught in their native languages.In these areas D.S.U launched agitations for tribal students who were denied the right to learn in their native languages. The D.S.U also fought for democratic rights issues.Very often D.S.U organise cycle rallies as a form of protest.The most significant agitations were against police firings in Madhubani and Darsinghsarai areas of Bihar.Here D.S.U joined hands with even the revisionist student organisations as well as the Chatra Sangharsh Yuva Vahini.This took place in 1995.

The D.S.U also protested against the death sentence imposed
on the 13 M.CC activists in 1992.Here the D.S.U joined hands with the Revolutionary Students League and the Progresive Students and Youth front.(The 2 other revolutionary student organisations) After the Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre carried out by the Ranbir Sena the D.S.U Along with the Bharat Naujavan Sangh organised protests throughout the state.In Daltonganj,Jehanabad,Gaya,Khagaria torchlight processions were launched.In conditions of severe repression protests were launched.D.S.U joined
several revolutionary organizations this issue.

In 1997 D.S.U protested against the killing of 6 Party Unity activists. In Patna they burned the effigy of the chief minister.D.S.U also held commemoration programmes of the Arwal massacre that took place in 1986.In 1996 a protest meeting was clamped upon by the police and revolutionary activists were arrested. Afer the killing of Comrade Chandrashekar ,a student of J.N.U IN Delhi D.S.U launched protest programmes along with other organisations.In Jehanabad with A.I.D.S.O protests were organised in the form of torchlight processions.

In 1999,D.S.U with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha took out a cycle rally from Daltangaunj to Patna protesting against the Shankar bigha massacre. Earlier in Daltonganj an effigy of the chief minister was burnt. In March 2000 D.SU led a protest with other revolutionary organisations protesting the murder of 11 revolutionaries in Kachnewan.An effigy of the Bihar administration was burnt at Patna junction.D.S.U.also participated in the march to Kachnewan as well as on a protest demonstration on April 6th.

From 1995 the D.S.U Organised Go to Village Campaigns.  These have been conducted on district as well as state levels. Their were 3 types of campaigns launched. The first was on specific political issues. The second type was a general political campaign and the third type was launching cultural programmes.The purpose of these programmes was to integrate the students and youth with the peasantry. In the first campaign in Gumrah district 6 D.S.U activists were arrested campaigning for Beedi Patta workers.The activists were organising the Beedi Patta workers against the merciless contractors who did not pay them their daily wages.

The next state-wide campaign took place in 1997 in Khagaria district which is a flood prone region.Here the D.SU formed flood relief distribution commitees and explained the peasants the political reasons for which the state could not give common people protection.The flood relief programmes of the government were found to be totally inadequate and the government gave a ready excuse that Nepal has let off water.Infact the real reason was that the landlords did not allow the construction of dams at sites which would have been appropriate because those sites were falling within their lands.Infact the dam mechanism in the state was create only with the purpose of preventing waterlogging and not for flood control. In addition the boatmen were not paid their wages for the relief work.

At the end of the campaign the team held public meetings and dharma demanding an end to corruption and compensation for boatmen .

In 1998 the D,S.U with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha visited areas in Buxar ,Palamau Santhal Paraganas and Khagaria districts.In Buxar sustained wall-writing was carried out by activists protesting against the landlords not paying minumum wages to agricultural workers.They were paid wages between Rs.15 to 30.Landlords here possessed 5,000 acres of land and religious Maths owned hundreds of acres.districts.In Santhal Parganas the D.S.U fought for the implementation of a separate Jharkhand State.

In Palamau, a centre of the revolutionary peasant movement the D.S.U fought against the construction of a dam which submerged 14 villages.20 people had been killed in the flood the previous year and no compensation was awarded.In Khagaria activists again propagated the real reasons for adequate protection being given to people during floods. The wrong policies of the government were explained. This time  Bandh Sangharsh commitees were formed in villages which held several protest meetings againt corruption.

The last state-wide campaign took place in the Bhagalpur and Bankadistricts.Here the activists gave solidarity to peasant s struggles and propagated the politics of Naxalbari and agrarian revolution..

In May 2000 the D.S.U held its first state conference in Patna..Students came from all over the state the maximum number coming from Palamau and Jehanabad and Bhagalpur districts in the former 2 districts students faced severe repression on the way to the conference. In addition students came from Buxar,Gaya,Khagariadistricts etc.Before the State conference district conferences were held in Bhagalpur.Patna town and Palamau districts.Here district commitees were formed and the district activities were reviewed.

At the State conference Comrade Amitabh was elected the President and Vijay ,the secretay.A 6 member committee consisting of Amitabh,Sachin,Sumit,Pankaj,Vijay and Jaiprakash were elected. Resolutions were passed opposing privatization and communalization of education, opposing the repression on revolutionary movements and supporting the rights of nationalities to self-determination. 2 State-wide workshops were also carried out by the Democratic Students Union. The first one was held in 1999 to discuss organizational functioning, the building of unitspolititicisation methods and finance.

Here principally the appropriate forms of struggle were discussed. It was decided that educational institutions were neglected and a regular wall magazine should be brought out in addition to cultural programmes.It was also noted that regular commitees were not formed in several places In the 2nd workshop in February 2000 study classes were held on the history of the Communist movement in India, the State of Education, and dialectical materialism. Delegates attended from Gaya.Palamau ,Bhagalpur and Patna.

One of the most significant things that occurred was the merger of the Progressive Students and Youth Front with the D.S.U.The former organisation had a strong mass base in Bhagalpur district leading powerful agitations against fee-hikes and corruption in Bhagalpur University. This organisation also held a massive programme for Tilka Majhi s birthday to be observed in Bhagalpur university.

Several times the organisation organised gheraoes against the vice-chancellor for hostel demands. After merging into D.S.U the organisation launched a massive demonstration against the administration in Bhagalpur university house - arresting corrupt officials. The emergence of the Democratic Students Union has played a significant role in the revolutionary movement in Bihar. Innumerable sacrifices have been made by activists.

The martyrdom of comrades Anil Ojha and Chanchal were particularly significant.Anil Ojha was killed as a result of police torture after organising a student agitation against malpractices of the principal in Patna Arts College.Chanchal played a great role in organising D.S.U units in Jehanabad districts as well as building the Bharat Naujavan Sabha.Eventually he was killed by his own relatives.

In 1996 The Bharat Naujavan Sabha led a massive protest against malpractices and corruption of doctors in Daltonganj town of Palamau district. In Chainpur Bazar area Bharat Naujavan Sabha led a massive 500 people demonstration against inadequate facilities in government hospitals. The doctors hardly attended work. A memorandum was presented to the city administration against this. These organisations also participated in several campaigns against state and landlord Sena’s repression.(eg.The Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre carried out by the Ranbir Sena) Against the massacres of the Ranbir Sena in Laxmanpur Bathe and Shankar bigha torchlight processions and cycle rallies were carried out on protest by the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the D.S.U.

Struggles against Communalsim(opposing thedestroying of the Babri Masjid)-Copiled from Mukti Marg May-June1993 issue

-After the destruction of the Babri Masjid on December 6th 1992 by the Kar Sevaks the Bharat Naujavan Sabha launched a massive anti-communal campaign all through the State.In Daltonganj The youth front launched a cycle rally in protest.Bajrang Dal goondas tried to intimidate the activists but the youth carried out heroic self-defence and drove away the reactionaries.In Jehanabad the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch carried out an anti -communal cycle rally covering a distance of 125 Km.covering more than 15 blocks from 1st February to 15th February..In Gaya the Bharat Naujavan Sabha launched cultural programmes against the communal holocaust.A similar programme took place carried out by the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and other progressive organisations in Bokaro.These programmes were significant in regard to the revolutionary democratic struggle against Communalism.

Struggles for Trade Union Rights


A memorandum was presented to the Bihar govt..On the trade Union Front, the Bihar Mines democratic Workers Union on 18th May staged a public meeting, in which Japla Cement factory workers and neighbouring mine workers participated. A demand was placed asking for the re-starting of the closed Japla Factory and the Balliya quarry.Electricity,water,cleanliness,was also demanded.The Japla Cement factory as closed and thousands of workers who had made immense sacrifices lost their jobs. From 29 th September 1985 to 14th August 1990 it was closed.4000 workers died out of hunger.Workers made sacrifices of great proportions to have kept the factory running, denying themselves the govt.compensation of RS.13 crore. Later all over Jehanabad,there was a mass campaign condemning the murder.