Friday, April 27, 2012
Free Marian Price Now !
Ms Price has spent the last ten months in Maghaberry, not on the basis of conviction for a crime but because Owen Patterson believes that the State is better off with her out of the way. She is imprisoned without trial - in everyday language, interned.
Photographs from 22nd April 2012 Free Marian Price rally in Derry .. Music: mna na hEireann
http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/marian-price-imprisoned-without-trial.html
Occupy the Department of Justice and Free Mumia Abu Jamal
Join the Free Mumia Abu Jamal Campaign in the UK at
http://www.freemumia.co.uk/
See Also :
http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2012/04/free-mumia-birthday-rally-in-brixton-on.html
Cop Brutality fuels student anger in Canada
160 protests within just two months - and Canada's student uprising continues unabated. And, with new clashes on Thursday night, the standoff over tuition fee hikes is turning increasingly violent. Centering on the country's second largest city of Montreal, clashes resumed after talks collapsed between student leaders and authorities. Riot officers charged, maced and detained dozens of protesters, while the police chief publicly complained that his forces were worn out. The students are incensed over a tuition fees rise which the government says is necessary. But journalist Bernard Desgagne, says heavy-handed policing will only provoke the students further.
See also :
http://www.facebook.com/pages/News-from-the-2012-Quebec-student-general-strike/332377376800387
Statement from Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine on Palestinian Hunger Strike
We greet you and your revolutionary steadfastness, which is bound to achieve a triumphant victory despite the long night of the hateful occupation.
In light of the urgent need to confront the Israeli Prison Services and their ongoing and escalating inhuman practices, and to escalate the prisoners’ struggle, and after lengthy and in-depth dialogue among the prisoners’ movement for over two years, a united national position including the majority of the sectors and forces of the prisoners’ movement has come forward to fight the battle of the empty intestines – the battle of the prisoners’ spring. This battle comes amid a spirit of defiance and steadfastness among the prisoners, and determination to confront solitary confinement, the denial of visits to prisoners from Gaza, demand the abolition of the “Shalit law,” demand the right to education, and the restoration of prisoners’ rights that have been trampled on in recent years.
We call upon all of our comrades throughout the prisons to be at high readiness and great pride to fight this battle. Despite the passage of less than six months after our last battle for freedom, demanding an end to solitary confinement and isolation, we are committed to this great struggle. Comrade Ahed Abu Ghoulmeh will be our representative in the Higher National Leadership Committee to coordinate and lead the strike.
We also call upon the masses of the Palestinian people everywhere they are, upon our national and Islamic institutions, upon the Arab nation and upon all progressive forces around the world to take up and engage with the struggle of the prisoners who need your support and action.
Together, we will march forward until the spring of prisoners blossoms on the road of the Palestinian Spring.
Leadership of the Prison Branch of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
For Update on Hunger Strike Visit :
http://pflp.ps/english/2012/04/victory-or-death-bulletins-in-english/
For Update on Hunger Strike Visit :
http://pflp.ps/english/2012/04/victory-or-death-bulletins-in-english/
The Conspiracy of Silence by Hugh MacDiarmid from Scottish Vanguard
This is why historians and students generally are not allowed to have access to vital documents until half-a-century or more has elapsed. As a colony of British (i.e. English) Imperialism, Scotland has been especially subjected to these mendacious and distorting processes. Most of the standard histories of Scotland are neither more nor less than camouflaged English propaganda. The whole subject requires radical research and rewriting. No wonder the late Malcolm Hay of Seaton had to publish an important book entitled “The Chain of Error in Scottish History”, and the late Miss M.E.M. Donaldson’s book entitled, “The Suppressed History of Scotland”. In the same way the bulk of teaching in our Schools and Colleges is shameless propaganda for the existing system. The diet provided for our children consists to an enormous extent of sheer lies. So far as the Labour Movement in Scotland is concerned there is the additional difficulty to come by after a few years. The Labour Research Committee has begun a long overdue task and is now trying to assemble what it can of the necessary books, pamphlets, and documents generally bearing on the history of our Trade Unions and the various societies and individuals concerned to disseminate revolutionary ideas. It is a very difficult task and has been so long neglected that there must always be serious gaps in our documentation of this great struggle.
The present writer has been mainly concerned with poetry and other literacy matters. In particular I have been anxious to show just how, and why, after the death of Burns, the few poets who were alive to the political and economic problems of the time were swept into a backwater by the cataract of adulation of Burns which virtually monopolised public attention. Who were these disregarded poets? What were they saying that impelled the authorities and conformist public opinion generally, to condemn them to oblivion. There was Tom Hood, whose “Song of the Shirt” has been called “the most terrible poem in the English language”. There was John Duntson and Evelyn Douglas (who wrote under the name of John Barlas) and James Thomson (“B.V.”) author of “The City of Dreadful Night” and above all there was Francis Adams, author of “Songs of the Army of the Night” – a series of anti-imperialist, anti-militarist and out-and-out Socialist poems. All these men were far in advance of their time in their ideas. Just the other day I was reading James Connolly’s “Labour in Ireland”, and the preparatory essay to it by Robert Lynd, in which I came across the following passage:
It was obvious that all the ballot-boxes in Ireland at the time of the strike was no remedy amidst economic disaster. After the failure of the strike, the economic disaster of the Dublin poor must have seemed irretrievable by anything short of a miracle. Connolly saw the strong growing stronger and the weak growing weaker, and he may have thought that all that was left for a brave man to do was to put himself at the head of the weak and to lead them in one last desperate assault on the invincible powers of evil. The alternatives that presented themselves to him were, in his view, to go down fighting or to go down without striking a blow, and he was not the man to go down without a blow. This question of Connolly’s mood and purpose in the insurrection is one to which returns in perplexity again and again. Did he expect to win? Did he expect the Germans to send assistance over the wreck of a defeated British Navy? Did he imagine that Ireland would rise and defeat the most gigantic British Army that’s known to history? I have discussed these questions with many people, and everybody has his own answer. The most convincing answer I got was from T.M. Kettle. “No”, he said, “I don’t think Connolly expected to win. Connolly was a man of brains. It seems to me that if you want to explain Connolly you can only do so on the lines of that poem of Francis Adam’s “Anarchists”.
‘Tis not when I am here,
In these homeless homes,
Where Sin and shame and disease
And foul death comes.
‘Tis not when heart and brain
Would be still and forget,
Men and women and children
Dragged down to the pit.
But when I hear them declaiming
of ‘liberty’, ‘order’, and ‘law’,
The husk-hearted gentleman,
And the mud-hearted Bourgeois.
That a sombre hateful desire
Burns up slow in my breast
To wreck the great guilty Temple
And give us rest.
“Connolly”, Kettle went on, “felt the intolerable outrage of the triumph of, “The husk-heated gentleman, And the mud-hearted Bourgeois”. And Robert Lynd says – and I agree – “That seems to me the true interpretation of the last passion of James Connolly”.
Despite the neglect of Francis Adams and the other Scottish Socialist poets I have named, no better proof of the change afoot in Scotland today is available than the fact that in the last years or two these poets have been coming to the surface again. Two books devoted to James Thomson have been published and two books devoted to John Davidson, and one book to Tom Hood. Scottish literary history is being slowly but surely rewritten. Francis Adams is still almost an unknown name. I have written several articles about him and he was represented in “The Oxford Book of Scottish Verse”. But his work demands, and would amply repay, far more attention than it has yet received. It has been pointed out that after 1832 “the Scottish national inspiration in literature failed altogether. For more than sixty years (a period that saw the publication of many of the greatest books in modern literature) no Scottish writer attempted to forge in the smithy of his soul the uncreated conscience of his race.” The country of Dunbar and Burns was silent, “and so long as a writer of the calibre of Francis Adams can be neglected, it is better that it should be silent.”
Burns himself has not escaped the falsifying process. He is generally esteemed for the wrong reasons – not on the basis of his best poems, but on the basis of sentimental songs of much less value than his political poems, satires and epistles. The idea has been sedulously enforced that when he joined the Dumfries Volunteers he betrayed his principles. It has been alleged in many of the 3000 books devoted to Burns that he did so out of sheer economic necessity – in order to safeguard his job as an exciseman. But the real reason has been carefully concealed. It is now known that he was a member of the ‘Friends of the People’, and that the true significance of the “patriotic” scare at the time was not fear of a French invasion, but was aimed at the “Friends of the People.” So to counter that, the idea of men like Burns was to infiltrate the Army with men of revolutionary sympathies. That was the explanation of Burn’s action which has been long misrepresented. The Burns of the Burns Clubs presents no danger to the Powers-that-be; the Burns with which I am concerned is a different matter altogether.
There are, in addition to John MacLean and Francis Adams many Scots whom the authorities, and their agencies in journalism, book publication, education etc., have condemned to oblivion – men like Professor John Millar, who in some important issues anticipated Karl Marx; or John Swinton, who aided the negroes in South Carolina before the Civil War, became a friend of Walt Whitman, and knew Karl Marx personally; and Thomas Muir of Huntershill, and many others. In my last book I had this to say on the subject, “The sustained vindictiveness meted out by the Establishment to its opponents leads Philip Mairet in his book ‘Pioneer of Sociology’: ‘The life and Letters of Patrick Geddes’, to say: “The worst enmities were aroused by his achievements when he had failed to move men in a position to do what he proposed, and simply took action himself. Some of them privately hoped his schemes would miscarry, or even sought openly to obstruct them. If nevertheless, a plan if his achieved conspicuous success, ill-wishers sometimes had to bear the reproach of being asked, “Why did you not do this before? You could have done it”, and it was this that rankled. Years after, when such resentment might well have been forgotten, they were strong enough to frustrate the efforts in Edinburgh, first by a professor and later by the chancellor (Sir J.M. Barrie) to honour Geddes with an L.L.D.”
And I proceeded to say, “This continued malevolence reminds me that a young historian of my acquaintance, researching into the life and activities of Thomas Muir, found the officials at Register House and at the National Library, while apparently being as helpful as possible, assuring him there was nothing else in their keeping beyond what was already known and used by such historians as H.W. Meikle, George Pratt Insh, and others. But he persisted and found a lot of material casting new light on the whole business in their repositories. He found boxes of correspondence and other invaluable material in the Kilmarnock Museum and elsewhere that had lain quite unknown to these historians. I am sure the same thing is true of many issues in Scottish History. Material contrary to the official assumptions has been-and still is- carefully concealed.”
That is why, in thinking of the world-wide adulation of Burns, I have found myself obliged to write: “The Burns movement largely represents a filching away of Burns from the people of whom he was the incomparable spokesman, and hypocritical homage to him by the very types whose pretensions, were he alive, he would flay with his satire. Burns cult, forsooth! It has denied his spirit to honour his name. It has denied his poetry to laud his amours. It has preserved his furniture and repelled his message. It has built itself up on the progressive refusal of his lead in regard to Scottish politics, Scottish literature, and the Scottish tongue.” H.McD.
This article first appeared in Scottish Vanguard Vol. 2 No.7 July 1968
Democracy and Class Struggle says what Hugh Macdiarmid says about Scotland is also true of Wales and we are pleased to hear that the Great Unrest Group is starting a History Commission to write a People's History of Wales which will recover our airbrushed history of Peoples's struggle.
Democracy and Class Struggle says what Hugh Macdiarmid says about Scotland is also true of Wales and we are pleased to hear that the Great Unrest Group is starting a History Commission to write a People's History of Wales which will recover our airbrushed history of Peoples's struggle.
Thursday, April 26, 2012
Welsh Republican's Protest Queens Visit to Wales - Red Salute from Democracy and Class Struggle to Republican protestors at Merthyr and Cardiff
See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2011/04/kier-hardie-republican-and-socialist.html
http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2011/04/thomas-paine-on-monarchy-and-hereditary.html
Ernst Thalmann Song - His memory lives on
Visit :http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_Thälmann
Ernst Thalmann German Communist leader
16 April 1886 – 18 August 1944
In October 1926 Thälmann supported in person the dockers' strike in his home town of Hamburg.
He saw this as solidarity with the British miners' strike which had started on 1 May and had been profitable for Hamburg Docks as an alternative supplier of coal. Thälmann's argument was that this strike-breaking in Hamburg had to be stopped.
We at Democracy and Class Struggle want to remember Ernst Thalmann's and German Workers solidarity with the 1926 Miners strike in Britain has you will not find that in school textbooks, it has been airbrushed from history just like other working class solidarity struggles.
Thälmann spent over eleven years in solitary confinement under the Nazis.
In August 1944, he was transferred from Bautzen prison to Buchenwald concentration camp. There, on 18 August, on Hitler's orders, he was shot
For the Struggle in Germany Today visit :
http://www.mlpd.de/en?set_language=en
Statement of the Maoist Communist Party of France on the Presidential Elections
The first round results reinforce this statement and our analysis in the leaflet that we disseminated widely (see Whatever the election results, prepare the revolution!).
For several years, we note the rise of a continuous process of building a modern form of fascism is embodied in a state apparatus and increasingly police activity.
The rise of a modern form of fascism is implanted in nearly all imperialist countries. It meets the needs for the bourgeoisie in the organization of its production to be competitive on the international market it organizes and controls.
This restructuring process began in the early '70s, precisely in 1973 with the oil crisis. Whole sections of industry like steel and mines were liquidated, causing a steady rise in unemployment, the gradual reduction of social benefits, the increase in sovereign debt.
Mitterrand's nationalizations have been compensated at the highest price, and once delivered ok, they were privatized again. This shows that whatever the government, it bails out the big industrial groups with taxpayer money. Successive governments of left and right continued to grant exemptions, but took no retaliatory action to prevent offshoring, rising unemployment, the State debt.
After the collapse of the socialist system in the USSR and China, the middle class has expanded the extension of the imperialist system. The transformation of the former communist parties into social democratic parties has accelerated the conciliatory policies and directions of trade unions and the anger and disgust of some of the popular classes and the working class.
The right-wing parties, but also "left", under pressure of the National Front and the general discontent, have taken over part of the theses put forward by the extreme right, which accentuated the discontent against the government.
Note here that the National Front denounced the financial elite under the term "hyper-liberalism" but is careful not to denounce the capitalist system itself and that this system is the cause of unemployment, poverty; that means, it becomes covered with a capitalist illusion . All this explains the rise of the National Front.
Greenwashing the Land Grabs in Africa just as they do in Wales - expose the Green Corporate rip - off
Democracy and Class Struggle says the Corporate Greens have hijacked terms like "sustainability" and "renewabilty" it is a dangerous trend and is the opposite of community based people's ecology which is truely sustainable and renewable.
Democracy and Class Struggle declares "People's War" on Corporate Greens and their apologists and hirelings. Build communities of resistance to the new Eco Colonialism.
See : International Peasant Conference on Land Grabbing:
http://www.viacampesina.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1154:stop-land-grabbing-now&catid=23:agrarian-reform&Itemid=36
For Background on Sustainable Peasant Agriculture look here :
http://www.viacampesina.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=17&Itemid=42
Wednesday, April 25, 2012
Sign the Petition : Land and Liberty Campaign in Wales - Great Unrest 2012 calls for A Welsh Land Act Now
It is unacceptable that in 2012 that Land in Wales is owned by the English Crown and Aristocrats.
These Lands were stolen from the Welsh People and never were or never can belong to the Aristocracy or Monarchy of another country because of historic conquest.
Welsh People are being denied a say or even access to their own land because of the ownership of Welsh Land by the English Crown and Aristocrats.
Today we have the Duke of Beaufort trying to impose a wind farm on the Mynydd y Gwair in Carmarthenshire against the wishes of the local Welsh People because of his historic title to the land based on robbery and conquest.
Mynydd y Bettws is a 100% protected and very large habitat area of supreme beauty has had a Wind Farm was imposed on this community by using the Enclosure Act of 1845 by Carmarthen County Council in violation of EEC rules for the benefit of an overseas company.
All Crown and Aristocratic Land in Wales should to be returned to the people of Wales for Welsh People to decide the use of their own Land. We support the call for a new Welsh Land Act to achieve that aim.
A Welsh Land Act electronic petition to remove the Duke of Beaufort's lands and Crown Lands by compulsory purchase is now being organized throughout Wales. Sign the petition below
The Campaign for a Welsh Land Act will be launched on the Myndd y Gwair on the 10th June 2012
See Also :http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2012/04/no-to-royal-hypocrisy-in-wales-we-need.html
DEISEB AM DDEFDD TIR: PETITION FOR A LAND ACT
See Also :http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2012/04/no-to-royal-hypocrisy-in-wales-we-need.html
DEISEB AM DDEFDD TIR: PETITION FOR A LAND ACT
I'r Cymry.
Ddoe a ddaw a hedd ei ddydd - newydd clir
Nawdd clyd o law deunydd,
Pan chwalwyd ein tir gan arglwyddi rheibus, arglwyddi etifeddol anheilwng, cymer y Gwerin ei nerth a'i hetifeddiaeth. Sarhad at ddemocratiaeth yw'r twrbinau gwynt. Sarhad at y Werin yw'r arglwyddi etifeddol. Gofyn ydyw'r ddeiseb hon, gofyn o'r Ty Cyffredin a'r Cynulliad am ddychwel y tir i ni y Werin gan bryniad gorfodol. Diogelwyd prydferthwch anferth ein tir, diogelwyd ein halwfraint gwerinol, diogelwyd hefyd ein hetifeddiaeth.
To the People of Wales.
In view of the fact that our Cymric land is being desicrated by rapacious landlords, hereditary aristocrats, the English Crown and Corporate Utility Companies, this Petition demands of the Westminster Parliament and the Welsh Government the restoration of the land, by compulsory purchase, to its rightful owner, the People of Cymru, in order to preserve our heritage, the great beauty of this land and the common right of our people to access and make use of it until perpetuity.
Sign the petition for the new Welsh Land Act here :
http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/land-act-for-wales.html
In view of the fact that our Cymric land is being desicrated by rapacious landlords, hereditary aristocrats, the English Crown and Corporate Utility Companies, this Petition demands of the Westminster Parliament and the Welsh Government the restoration of the land, by compulsory purchase, to its rightful owner, the People of Cymru, in order to preserve our heritage, the great beauty of this land and the common right of our people to access and make use of it until perpetuity.
Sign the petition for the new Welsh Land Act here :
http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/land-act-for-wales.html
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