Friday, February 12, 2010

Taking on the Military by Harry Powell



In America , Britain and the other imperialist countries there has been widespread public opposition to the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq . Since 2001 millions of people have at some time or other publicly expressed their dissent from the aggressive wars being waged by the imperialist states. Yet there has been little criticism of or attempts to influence the armed forces actually carrying out these military operations.

In Britain the Stop the War Coalition has avoided criticizing the British armed forces. It presents them as the innocent tools of the British Government with no culpability for the death and destruction they are causing. The Military Families Against the War wing of Stop the War has actually complained that British troops are getting injured and killed because they are not better equipped. Also they do protest that British military personnel are dying unnecessarily being they are being used to fight illegal and unnecessary wars. But they do not have much to say about all the Iraqis and Afghanis killed and injured by British forces. In general the anti-war movement in Britain has kept away from the armed forces and has not tried to directly influence them. This is a serious error because disaffection among the military would seriously undermine the capability of the British state to wage its imperialist wars.

The Stop the War Coalition, and especially some of the leading elements in it such as the Socialist Workers Party, present British soldiers as innocents abroad, as typically young, working class men from economically depressed areas who have joined up because they need a job and want “to serve Queen and Country”. In addition, those who have suffered physical and mental injuries are presented as “victims”. Some support has been given to the few military personnel who have refused to serve in these wars but no attempts have been made to encourage others to do the same.

During the last two years or so in Britain the Government and media have been waging a massive propaganda campaign to rally popular support for the British armed forces fighting in Afghanistan . No opportunity is missed to parade returning troops through the streets and hail them as “heroes”. Fundraising events have been organized to provide comforts for “our brave boys” on the battlefront. People now turn out in thousands at Wootton Bassett to pay tribute as the coffins containing dead soldiers flown back from Afghanistan are slowly driven down the main street. This occasion has been turned into a major media event. Back around the time of the invasion of Iraq their commanders were advising soldiers not to wear their uniforms on the streets for fear of attracting abuse. Now the opposite is the case. Wearing your uniform in public is a passport to quite a few free drinks.

At the same time the opinion polls suggest that the majority of people in Britain are opposed to British involvement in Afghanistan and want “the boys brought back home”. But why is this? Is it because people are appalled at the death and destruction being brought upon the Afghani people by the British armed forces? Or is it not more likely that it is the rising British casualties which is the main reason why British people want the troops out? If the latter is the case then we can speculate how public opinion might change if as a result of the forty thousand extra NAO forces being sent to Afghanistan less British soldiers are injured and killed and more Afghani resistance fighters are killed. It could be that then there would be a shift of British public opinion in favour of carrying on with the war. By not criticizing the British armed forces and by not trying to develop dissention within its ranks the Stop the War Coalition has provided an opening for the British state to succeed in greatly increasing public support for its armed forces and the imperialist wars they fight.

The leaders of the Stop the War Coalition say that for it to have seriously criticized British forces would have alienated large numbers of people from the anti-war movement. True, they have objected to British troops maltreating and torturing prisoners in Iraq In reality it is all too typical as millions of people around the world in countries where British forces have been active know to their cost. Stop the War has presented the British military as an essentially neutral entity which can be used for good or evil according to the dictates of the government of the day. This is an opportunist political line which can only serve to weaken effective opposition to the aggressive actions of British imperialism in Afghanistan and elsewhere. By pandering to public opinion, by failing to struggle with people to help them achieve an understanding of the real nature of the British armed forces, Stop the War is effectively helping the British state in its campaign to boost the public prestige of its military. Any short-terms gains in public opposition to the war brought about by avoiding the question of the military are likely to be more than offset by growing public sympathy for the British Army in Afghanistan . but this is presented as exceptional behaviour not typical of the British Army.

THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CHARACTER OF THE BRITISH ARMED FORCES

In order to decide how to correctly handle the British military it is necessary to have an understanding of their position in British monopoly capitalist society. The capitalist state is the means whereby the ruling capitalist class maintains its domination over the people it oppresses and exploits, both at home and abroad. The most important institution of any capitalist state is its armed forces. As Lenin pointed out, “A standing army and police are the chief instruments of state power.” When its authority faces a very serious popular challenge the capitalist state has to call upon its armed forces to maintain its position. This was very clear in Northern Ireland when from 1969 onwards the British state used the British Army to try to defeat the national liberation struggle being waged by Sinn Fein/IRA. The British armed forces are not and never have been some sort of neutral force. Their purpose is to maintain the rule of the monopoly capitalist class.

In class origin the British military reflect the wider society. Its top commanders are very disproportionately drawn from the capitalist class and higher sections of the middle strata, many of them having been to public schools. They are an integral part of the ruling class and always act to protect the interests of their own class, even when this requires them to disobey the commands of the government of the day. Most of the other officers are of middle strata origin and these days many of them have been educated to university level. This brings us to “other ranks”, the ordinary soldiers who constitute the great majority of military personnel. They are overwhelmingly of working class origin and this is one important reason as to why most anti-war campaigners, especially those of left-wing political leanings, are wary of criticisng and confronting the armed forces. It is feared that by doing so this will alienate large sections of the working class from the anti-war war movement and push them in right wing political directions.

Consideration needs to be given to the reasons people join the armed forces. Yes, many recruits are from working class areas with restricted employment opportunities and joining up offers security and good pay. But there are other important motives for joining. Some recruits are at least partly motivated by patriotism, a genuine desire, however misplaced, “to serve Queen and country”. A significant proportion have grown up in military families and are carrying on a family tradition of military service. Another attraction is the prospect of learning a skill and taking advantage of educational opportunities. Also there are sporting activities and travel abroad. Quite important is the appeal of finding excitement by getting involved in dangerous activities, especially armed combat. This is an important motive for part-time military personnel such as the Territorial Army. Periods of active service seem to be a welcome contrast from rather dull occupations and lives on civvy street. A few, probably a small minority, actually enjoy hurting and killing people. Probably there are other motives as well but most recruits will be motivated by different combinations of these reasons.

The actual experience of military service can lead to changes in the way it is regarded. Some of those who thought that they would be defending their country are disappointed to find that this is not so. For example, some soldiers felt that they had been misused in the invasion of Iraq to “protect us from Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction” when it turned out that the political leaders knew that he did not have any. Others who joined up for economic and other reasons find that the actual experience of combat is exhilarating and want more. And so on. The point is that not all of the military personnel are the same but embrace a variety of outlooks and responses. These must be taken into account if their commitment to upholding the interests of the British state and ruling class are to be undermined. In the armed forces there is intense political indoctrination of personnel so as to motivate them to keep fighting. The soldiers who have served in Afghanistan have found out that the people of Afghanistan do not want British and other NATO forces there so the politicians and commanders have been pushing the line to the troops and British public that Afghanistan poses a “terrorist threat” to Britain and that is why the Taliban must be defeated. Terrorist incidents in Britain since 2001 have been carried out by Muslims from Britain and other countries but not Afghanistan . It is remarkable that so far the Taliban have refrained from carrying out undercover operations in Britain . Any potential terrorist threat to Britain from Afghanistan comes precisely because that country has been invaded by the British Army, something they have been doing on and off since 1838.

If we are to reach out and challenge British service personnel about their participation in imperialist wars then we must investigate, understand and struggle with these people. In particular it is those in the lower ranks we need to reach because potentially they will be more responsive to an anti-imperialist war political line.

DIFFERENT LINES TOWARDS THE MILITARY

The Stop the War line on the British armed forces has already been criticised and it can be characterized as a right deviation, one which effectively strengthens the enemy. Some other people regard the British armed forces as irrevocably committed to upholding the interests of the British ruling class and its state. They say that it is a waste of time trying to generate dissent and opening up the ranks among the military. All these people want to do is to shout “Fuck off you murdering bastards!”. This is quite incorrect and in so far as it might have any impact would simply serve to strengthen the loyalty of the military to their commanders and alienate relations and friends of those in military service. This is an ultra-left position which also could have the effect of increasing support for the enemy.

The correct approach is to reach out to and challenge military personnel about the war they are fighting in Afghanistan . Many already do have doubts about what they are doing but it is necessary to encourage and amplify such dissent. We need to inform them about the long history of British imperialist interference in Afghanistan . The lies from Brown and Ainsworth that Britain is under threat of terrorist attack from Afghanistan need to be refuted. The character of the criminal, drug-running warlord government foisted on the Afghani people and kept in power by NATO forces should be exposed. The suffering that the imperialist armies are inflicting on Afghanis should be emphasized. It must be pointed out that the real war on terror is the one being waged by NATO on the Afghani people. In order to reach the troops we need to visit, picket and campaign at their bases, training centres and recruitment offices in Britain . The aim is to encourage them to refuse to fight this unjust, murderous war.

Also it is important to combat the current of public opinion which has been persuaded by the State and media propaganda campaign to see the British troops as “brave heroes”. In particular we need to turn out and demonstrate when units returning from Afghanistan are paraded through the streets. The main target here is the public who should be informed as to the true character of the war in Afghanistan . They need to be told that the real heroes are the Afghanis who dare to resist the invasion of their country by the most powerful military forces in human history. It should be pointed out that for each dead British soldier the Army claims to have killed a hundred or more Afghanis. Attention should be drawn to the death and destruction visited by RAF Harriers and American F16 fighter-bombers on Afghani villages and farms. Any occasion where the military are being boosted, e.g. Armed Forces Day, should be used as an opportunity to oppose British militarism. It is a pity that it was ultra-reactionary Islamicists who proposed a demonstration in Wootton Bassett to commemorate the Afghani dead. Anti-war campaigners should have got in there first.

A few British military personnel have refused to fight in Iraq or Afghanistan but a less individual and more collective dissent within the armed forces would have more impact. A concerted campaign to encourage it is necessary. It is very important to develop a campaign to oppose British militarism because other imperialist assaults are looming on the horizon; especially on Iran and Yemen . Also it is necessary to struggle with people so that they come to realize that the British armed forces are not their friend but their enemy, a key part of the capitalist system of oppression and exploitation.

Harry Powell

Support the demonstration on Monday 15th February in London against Indian intervention in Nepal and Oppose India's War on it's own People

OPPOSE INDIAN INTERVENTION AGAINST THE NEPALESE REVOLUTION!

OPPOSE INDIAN STATE'S WAR ON ITS TRIBAL PEOPLE!



RALLY AT TRAFALGAR SQUARE






MARCH TO INDIAN HIGH COMMISSION OFFICE, ALDWYCH, HOLBORN





MONDAY 15TH FEBRUARY 2010 , 12 NOON


Meeting organised by Progressive Nepalese Forum in the UK

Supported by

World Peoples Resistance Movement - Britain

South Asia Solidarity forum

Second Wave Publications

Democracy and Class Struggle

Co-ordination Committee of Revolutionary Communists of Britain


Thursday, February 11, 2010

Maoists plan to recruit discharged combatants in YCL



The Unified CPN (Maoist) has adopted a policy to recruit the PLA combatants recently discharged from various cantonments across the country in its youth wing Young Communist League (YCL), Kantipur daily reported. The party has taken such policy as the discharged combatants are young and are former combatants. However, they will not be forced to join politics or join the party if they want to lead a private life, Maoist leaders say.

“We have instructed the local party bodies to keep in touch with the discharged combatants,” PLA deputy commander and spokesperson Chandra Dev Khanal told Kantipur. “They can work in whichever sister organisation of the party they wish. We don’t plan them to recruit in a single organisation.” Those who do not want to join politics can undergo trainings to be provided by UNICEF and live private life, he said. Khanal opines, it will be easy for the discharged combatants if they are employed in something similar to what they were doing.

Maoist politburo member and spokesperson Dina Nath Sharma said, “We will employee our friends discharged from the cantonments in various sister organizations including the YCL.”

More than 2000 combatants out of 4000 who were disqualified by second UNMIN verification have been discharged from various cantonments across the country in the past month. About 1,700 combatants had already left the cantonments showing dissatisfaction with the official discharge process.


source: Nepal News

The devil’s advocate? By Radha D’Souza


February 8, 2010

First published in Sanhati

It was a bizarre spectacle, Karan Thapar interviewing Dr. Binayak Sen on CNN-IBN on Maoist violence in India. See the interview here:

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.com/2010/02/binyak-sen-on-devils-advocate_04.html

The subject of Maoist violence, more than any other at present, agitates the powers that be, including the media. The choreography of the debate follows a similar pattern. Invite a respectable person(s) for a “debate” on the issue of violence, lure them into believing they are invited because the media wants to present a contrary point of view; once there, corner the person, prevent them from making their point of view, heckle them if necessary, and somehow wring a statement, even if by slip of tongue, that can be bandied about as endorsement for the military offensive against the Maoists, as a moral justification for the so called “war on terror”. This desperation for moral endorsement from respected citizens like Dr. Sen, is itself evidence of the moral bankruptcy of the powers that be.

Dr. Sen tried, heroically, to make the point that one third of the people of India suffer from chronic malnutrition, that over 50% of the Adivasis and 60% of Dalits are bordering on starvation (dear readers, put these numbers in perspective by bearing in mind that India is one-sixth of humanity), that over 50% of India (1/12th of world population) is undernourished, and that state policies that create and sustain the conditions for this mass starvation fall within the definition of “genocide” in international law. One would have thought that the enormity of what Dr. Sen was saying, and its implications for what we have become as a nation, made his point of view, at least, worth listening to. But no, Thapar had lured Dr. Sen into the platform to wring a public condemnation from him against Maoists, and he was determined to do that come what may. Half the nation may have turned into semi-starved ghosts, but we need to condemn Maoist violence, first and foremost, to feel morally good about ourselves; and it was Thapar’s job to make the nation feel they stood on high moral ground. Any competing ethics, or higher moral principle, would deflate the performance choreographed for the nation.

“I am not talking on behalf of the Maoists. I am talking from the point of view of a human rights worker”

Dr Sen said as he tried desperately to stand his ground. Again and again he tried to make the point about state violence.

“I will come to the state. I promise you and I will handle the state later but first I want to hear you clearly say that annihilation which is an acceptable and justified policy of the Maoists is one that you completely, totally condemn”

Karan Thapar persisted, literally putting words into Dr. Sen’s mouth. Note too his words “I”, Thapar, “want you to clearly say…” etc. Of course Thapar never came to the state as he promised, we knew he wouldn’t, there is only that much time allocated for a show, and that time was up. The show was never about hearing Dr. Sen’s point of view; it was a choreographed performance to corner a respected citizen into endorsing the moral justifications touted out for the state’s military offensive. Ironically the show was called the “Devil’s Advocate” –Karan Thapar, the Devil’s Advocate?

No, this is no time for humorous asides. Let’s turn to the moral outrage. Ethics is important, and moral awareness is the essence of being human. It is important we do not walk away from ethics, especially when there is a widespread perception among ordinary Indians that the nation has lost its moral compass. Thapar too is bound by ethics. Basic principles of media ethics require that an interviewee is given an opportunity to make his/her point of view clearly, that their views are not misrepresented, that there is no ulterior motive or collateral purpose, and to ensure that views of the interviewee are fairly represented. Thapar clearly breached rules of fairness and representation in media ethics. Paradoxically, there appears to be a correlation between the length of the code on media ethics in India and falling ethical standards in the media. When there were no codes we had a vibrant independent press. Over the years as scepticism about the media has grown so has the length of the code from one page in 1992 to 112 pages today (see Norms of Journalistic Conduct, Press Council of India, 1992, 1996, 2005, 2010). Let’s not judge this only through narrow legalistic lenses.

We are proud of the spiritual foundations of our society a tad bit more than others. In the Indian tradition, when we invite a guest we are required to show him/her due respect, and treat them with some indulgence. Amartaya Sen wrote about how we are an “argumentative society” and about how the ethos of public debate goes back a long time in our history. In a moving scene at the end of the Kurkshetra war (in the Mahabharata), the philosopher Charvaka publicly accused Krishna of bringing ruin upon the entire society by his actions. Everyone heard him out, including a subdued Krishna. Clearly Dr. Sen was Thapar’s athithi (guest). But Thapar was not going to let any Western legal principles of media ethics, any Indian codes of athithi dharma (codes of right conduct towards guests) or the glorious Indian cultural traditions of public debate to get in his way. Freedom of the press it appears is freedom from all constraints: legal, cultural, ethical. Are we surprised that so many ordinary Indians feel the nation has lost its moral anchor?

I have used this interview to exemplify how ethics gets confounded in the media and in public debate, but the point can be extended to all sorts of public debates in the Indian media today. If the job of the media is to inform and educate, that purpose is defeated either because viewers and readers are left bewildered as a result, or condemned to vitriolic mindlessness. The first is the basis for cynicism and the second, for fascism. This production of mindlessness requires closer scrutiny.

Institutional and individual violence

At the heart of the controversy over Maoist violence is an issue that is foundational to modern societies, an issue that Thapar went out of his way to ensure did not register in public minds: the difference between institutional and individual violence. Only human beings can make ethical judgments because only human beings have a psyche capable of moral differentiation. For that reason in criminal trials, for example, intention is decisive. Institutions are not human beings, they are literally “mindless”. Institutions are complexes of laws that structure society and allocate people their places within it. When an institutional system is founded on violence, violence becomes the necessary condition for the continued existence of those institutions, in other words, the institution cannot survive without violence, it becomes like the proverbial vampire that will die if it cannot suck blood. This type of violence is fundamentally different from individual and group violence. However brutal, or obnoxious, or vicious it may be, individual violence is still human violence, it involves the mind, rightly or wrongly, and it invariably invites contestation over ethics in society. Institutions founded on violence, on the other hand, will collapse if violence is taken away. Individuals in charge of institutions must, therefore, continue to engage in violence if they are to save the institution from collapse. Let me exemplify this.

In a controversial TV interview to 60 Minutes (5/12/96) Lesley Stahl the TV host, when questioning the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright on U.S. sanctions against Iraq, asked her:

“We have heard that a half million children have died. I mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price worth it?”

Her reply was:

“I think this is a very hard choice, but the price–we think the price is worth it.”

This statement scandalised a large cross section of people in the United States and elsewhere. Imagine by some miracle if a total pacifist were to occupy the White House. It is estimated that sixty percent of the American economy is directly or indirectly dependent on defense. Corporate America: the Lockheeds, the Boeings, the Northrops, will collapse like a pack of cards, taking with them the thousands they employ. Most technological innovations of the West that invest their institutions with so much power and capabilities are the result of militarism. Even banal things like food packaging, gyms and exercise regimes, dietetics, aging research, are driven by militarism. The internet and the communication technologies were military innovations. The incorporation of civilian and military uses of technologies through dual-use policies makes the intermeshing of militarism and economy virtually inseparable. The entire society is organized in a “warlike way” to use Marx’s phrase. In such a military-industrial-finance-media complex waging war becomes a necessity for survival of those institutions. If Iraqi children die in their millions in the process, it is sad, but necessary. Albright was not wrong. She was speaking as Secretary of State for the US state and economy. Her only ethics, if there was one, was to save those institutions from collapse.

Our messiah of peace in the White House will have to reorganize life in America, bottoms-up, get people to plant potatoes and cabbages, run their own local communal power plants, dismantle the supermarkets and get them to preserve and cook their own food, and turn them into a community of people affiliated to land, instead of a community of interest groups affiliated to different types of market institutions. The messiah of peace will, without doubt, be branded a trouble maker, a revolutionary, a terrorist, even a Maoist perhaps, who knows. He will without doubt be liquidated before long. Only the people of America can undertake such a task, and that too only when they feel so committed to building a non-violent society that they are prepared for the sacrifices, and violence and bloodshed the task will necessarily invite.

The Indian armed forces are the fourth largest in the world. Unlike the United State, the Indian military has been used primarily against the Indian people: against Kashmiris, Nagas, Assamese, North-eastern peoples, Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, or… Maoists. This is a fundamental difference between capitalist nations like the US, and India. The Indian state must colonise its own people to remain affiliated to the military-industrial-finance-media complex that rules. Is the price worth it? The NDTVs and the CNN-IBN journalists are too terrified to pose this question to the ministers of the Indian state as Lesley Stahl did with Madlinene Albright. Understandably so. Colonising one’s own people is far more terrifying than colonising all those “out there” somewhere.

We in India are more fortunate, however, because our task of building a non-violent society is much less daunting. It is less daunting precisely because fifty percent of our people, at least, are already outside the formal, institutionalised, globalised, militarist political economy. Many more, such as the urban poor for example, are only marginally or loosely tied to it. Of course, that is also the reason why they are being slowly starved to death, or driven to commit suicide, as with the two hundred thousand farmers. Only a numerically small, but economically powerful section is tied to the political economy of violence, and they must defend it come what may.

The violence of individuals and political groups pales into insignificance in comparison. The nation faces its worst crisis ever as swathes of land is auctioned off to powers that be and people turned into cannon fodder for the military-industrial-finance-media complexes of vampire states. The Maoists are desperate to get the message across to a nation besotted with the vampire, and they do it using desperate means. Are we going to shoot the messenger because we do not like the message, or, ostrich-like, bury our heads in the sand because we do not want to know about the message?

The message will not go away because we do not like how the message is delivered. If anything it will feed the vampire institutions with more blood. This has nothing to do with our revulsions for the methods of the messengers. Remember, institutions do not feel? They have no psyche? The message and the desperate messengers are part of the same problem, the problem of the political economy of violence. Paradoxically, the institutions founded on violence, the military-industrial-finance-media complexes, are the ones that preach the ideology of non-violence in unequivocal terms; and those who advocate peace with justice end up advocating violence. How are we to understand this paradox? We cannot say it is because the institutions are hypocrites because, if institutions are mindless, they cannot be hypocrites.

Merchants, people of the land, and political violence

In his book The Great Transformation, written during the World Wars, a time when states and economic institutions were collapsing, as now, Karl Polanyi points out that during the hundred years between 1815-1914, for the first time in their histories, European powers did not go to war with one another (except minor forays) and he inquires into the reasons for this extraordinary century of non-violence. The reasons he argues was “haute finance” the emergence of financial institutions that

“functioned as the main link between the political and economic organization of the world”.

Let us not rush to the conclusion that there was global peace during that time. Polanyi adds:

“They were anything but pacifists; they made their fortune in the financing of wars; they were impervious to moral consideration; they had no objection to any number of minor, short, or localized wars. But their business would be impaired if a general war between the Great Powers should interfere with the monetary foundations of the system.”

For the merchants, just the right level of war is good because it allows for sale of weapons and provides access to markets; but too much war destroys trading systems. In the merchant’s world view non-violence is a way of limiting and containing wars. Modern capitalism projects the merchant’s world view as the human world view: violence in economy through usury, expropriation, whatever; and containment of violence in politics through ideology of non-violence. See how the UN writes PEACE in large bold letters in its Charter, but retains veto powers with the victorious Allies in the Security Council? When the Cold War ended the Euro-American states hailed it as new era of peace for the world. The Pentagon, however, spent many anxious hours trying to work out what a defence policy in the era of peace should look like. After much deliberation, it adopted the “two-wars” policy. If somehow wars to be limited to two at a time, America would just about manage to survive peace. We witnessed great euphoria about peace simultaneously with new forms of militarism. The Pentagon’s logic makes perfect sense, but only to those who subscribe to the merchants’ world view or “haute finance” as Polanyi calls it. The recipients of violence are not merchants however, they are “people-of-the-land”; and their ideas of violence and non-violence differ fundamentally from those of the merchants’.

The Maori word “whenua” means land/earth and umbilical cord, and whanau, derived from whenua, means biradri or extended family from common ancestry. For people of the land, land is the umbilical cord that ties them to this world. Cut it, and it is like a new born child thrown away from its mother; it means certain death. People-of-the-land have always defended their land, non-violently if possible, violently if necessary, because land is life itself. This is the case with indigenous peoples anywhere in the world, and our own Adivasis and Dalits are no exception. It is not surprising therefore that with the new round of aggressive “haute finance”, with liberalisation and globalisation, indigenous peoples everywhere have been at the forefront of defending the land. People-of-the-land throw the peace plans of merchants, the “two-war” strategies of “haute finance”, the “rights based approach to development” and such, into disarray. The Adivasis and Dalits tar the shine on “shining India”. See the fifth Afghan war? The mandated territories of Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and many more that the League of Nations distributed to the Great Powers to keep the peace? Did the people-of-the-land quietly fade away with the years?

And what of our own people-of-the –land? First we said, don’t fight, after Independence you will be okay, then we said don’t fight we will give you special place in the Constitution, don’t fight we will give you land reforms, don’t fight we will give you jobs in the factories that we build on your land, and now we are saying, don’t fight, we will kill you non-violently, by slowly starving you to death. Are we prepared to be party to an economy founded on cheap labour and confiscated land? Are we going to allow our land and people to be auctioned in the global bazaars? Are we people-of-the land? Or, are we not?

Dear readers, I can see many of you pouncing on me at this point, wagging your fingers and saying to me: but the Maoists are not Adivasis and Dalits. I will concede the point to the sceptical reader; I will agree that we cannot conflate Maoists with Adivasis and Dalits. But I must insist that you answer my question: are you people-of-the-land? Are you a bystander who watches your people and land auctioned in global bazaars? Or, are you going to defend it by whatever means you are capable of? If India is auctioned off, all of us, without exception, lose the ground on which we stand rightfully. Are you going to leave the your fate to the Vedantas and Stanley Morgans, up today, down tomorrow; or the military-industrial-finance-media complexes always on the prowl hunting for “rogue states”, today Iraq, tomorrow Iran, the day after India?

Do you want to be counted as the people-of-the-land, or, are you happy to remain a citizen who wants to be allocated a place in the institutions of the political economy of violence? The urgency of this question drives many to take desperate steps. When we fail to answer this question unequivocally we create the political spaces for Maoism.

Is there a difference between citizens and people-of-the-land?

Civilisation, Nation-State, and Comprador State

The Indian subcontinent is home to an ancient civilisation, a fact that people of the subcontinent are conscious of. The problem with such an inheritance is that we have to live up to it. A civilisation defines its place in the world, provides the people with their conceptual resources, their languages, forms their relationship to their natural environments, and helps people to locate themselves in society and to make sense of the world they live in. Citizenship, in contrast, is a relationship of individuals to the state which is an institution, a constitutional order that oversees a range of economic and political institutions. Clearly, we have forfeited our claims to be a civilisation if we cannot create the conditions that sustain life for our people. Actually we are not even a nation-state properly speaking, because a nation state integrates all its citizens, even the poorest, and most discriminated, in its military-industrial-finance-media complexes, in its institutions, from dole queues to defence. Nation-states bludgeon other states to keep their “civil society” integrated into the state machine. Can you see Germany or Sweden launching Operation Green Hunt against their poor? The Indian state in contrast leaves out half if population from its institutions, it leaves them to fend for themselves, and it is on the prowl, always, to confiscate anything they may have: their land, resources, labour, and starves them to death. The other half, it leaves to the vagaries of global markets, pledges them to the military-industrial-financial-media complexes, the real nation states. Juridical recognition alone is not enough to be a state. We are a comprador state, a dalal state, which will collapse if we start getting fancy ideas about our place in the world.

This is the reason why we are unable to respond to the present crisis. The Maoist say: constitutionalism has failed our people, and we say, true it has failed, but what can we do, let us try once more. The Maoists say: India has become a violent society, forty percent of our parliamentarians have a track record of violence, our democratic political parties have their militias, we kill freely in the name of Ram, our army with its vast arsenal has waged war against our people for sixty-three years, and therefore, they say violence is the order of the day. We say: all this is true, but you Maoists should not be violent.

The Adivasis and the Dalits (see, I am not conflating them with Maoists) raise a more fundamental question about human life, one that touches a raw nerve in modern societies. They say land and labour can never become commodities. That human life can only be lived out on land in relation with nature; that land, labour and nature are necessary conditions for human life; that it is not possible to gouge out “The Economy” from society and cast it into different sets of institutions, insulate “The Economy” from people. Doing this is violence par excellence. Civil society displaces people from land, and promises them a place in market institutions: labour markets, consumer markets, property markets, whatever. That capitalism is made possible, and underpinned by colonisation of land and labour, nature and culture. What do we say to them? We say: all this is true but let us turn to the very colonial inheritances for our conceptual resources, for knowing our place in the world, for nurturing our land and people. We are unable to think beyond ideas of liberal democracy, economic and political rights, individualism and constitutionalism, and all the conceptual, philosophical, ethical, legal inheritances we have from our colonisers. Macaulay must be laughing in his grave.

India stands at historical crossroads at present. The challenge it faces is the task of real and actual decolonisation: of the mind, of the institutions, of the political economy for the first time since Columbus set sail on that unfortunate voyage five hundred years ago; a daunting task by any measure. India cannot meet this challenge by turning the clock back, for the cycle of time rotates without beginning or end.

The Cycle of Violence

Violence, no doubt, begets violence. We can all agree that the vicious cycle must be broken. But who should break the cycle? The case can be argued both ways: the state is violent therefore the Maoists are violent, or, the Maoists are violent therefore the state is violent.

To the best of my knowledge (and I am open to correction here) the Buddha was the first thinker to address this question directly. It is useful to recall the context in which he spoke about the cycle of violence and the onus of breaking it. He too lived in difficult times.

King Prasanjit, a follower of the Buddha, was attacked by Ajatasatru, a powerful king with expansionist ambitions. Ajatasatru mobilised a large army, defeated Prasanjit, confiscated his kingdom and took his people as slaves. Prasanjit fled and lived as a demoralised refugee, incognito. A merchant named Ananthapindika offered to finance Prasanjit and help him raise an army to regain his kingdom. Prasanjit took the merchant’s support, raised an army and defeated Ajatasatru. The defeated Ajatasatru pleaded with Prasanjit to end his life. Prasanjit took Ajatasatru, instead, to the Buddha instead and said: he attacked me, therefore I attacked him, but really I want nothing from him, I want to let him go. The Buddha agreed that Prasanjit was right in defeating Ajatasatru first, but equally, in wanting to free him, because the onus of breaking the cycle of violence is on the victor, the strong, and the more powerful. Note too, that Prasanjit does not see himself beholden to the merchant forever.

If we are to extend the analogy to our times, we must insist that the state, clearly the more powerful party, must cease its violence first, must stop displacement of people, stop forcible acquisition of land, stop unending suffering. Sadly, we live in a mindless modern state. If we could get the state to end violence we could stand on high moral ground and say to the Maoists what the Buddha said to Prasanjit and Ajatasatru: “Victory begets hatred; defeat begets suffering. They that are wise will forgo both victory and defeat. Insult is born of insult, anger of anger. They that are wise will forgo both victory and defeat. (The Life of Buddha, by A. Ferdinand Herold, tr. by Paul C Blum [1922])

It is a hallmark of civilisation that the strong, the more powerful, the better armed are called upon to renounce it first. We are not a civilisation any longer, we cannot think for ourselves about the destiny of our people and society. We take our moral cues from heads of nation-states: “war on terror”, “axis of evil” and such. The Buddha said:

The Killer begets a killer;

One who conquers, a conqueror.

The abuser begets abuse,

The reviler, one who reviles.

Thus by the unfolding of karma,

The plunderer is plundered.

We witness before our eyes the “killer begetting a killer”, and the “unfolding” of the karma of the conquerors and abusers and revilers and plunderers. But we live in strange times of equality, liberal rights, and individual freedoms, and somehow these lenses do not help us to see the difference between abuser and abused, between plunderer and plundered, between cause and effect, the begetter and the begotten.

Postscript

In 1873, when India faced famines, starvation deaths, disease, and political unrest, another medical professional someone we would call a human rights campaigner today was invited to speak on the situation in India. She told the gathering:

It is not, however, more enquiry that is most needed. Enquiry and investigation are the curse of India, as of any country where we do not act up to the light we have : where evils are investigated and re -investigated fifty times over, simply as an excuse for doing nothing. […]Under the permanent settlement the share of the produce of the soil left to the cultivator is often too little for health. A process of slow starvation may thus go on, which so enfeebles the great mass of the people, that when any epidemic sets in they are swept off wholesale. Land is let and sublet to a degree unknown anywhere else. […]Such is the relation between the State and the ‘ creatures of its own creation,’ the Zemindars.

What is the answer given by modern ‘financial policy ‘ or impolicy ? […] Is it not as though we said : It is ‘ unsound financial policy ‘ to live unless you have money in your stocking […]?Is it cheaper to let a man ‘ get dead ‘ than to feed him or house him, on borrowed capital ? […].But one must live in order to be a subject for sanitary considerations at all; and one must eat to live. If one is killed off by famine, one certainly need not fear fever or cholera. [ “Life Or Death In India” Paper read at the Meeting of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, Norwich, 1873 LONDON :Harrisons and Sons (1874)]

That health professional and campaigner was Florence Nightingale. Fortunately for Nightingale, there were no NDTVs and CNN-IBNs at that time and she was allowed to complete what she had come to say.

Tuesday, February 9, 2010

Military training to Nepal Citizens a must says Bhattarai


This article appeared on Telegraph Nepal on February 7, 2010

Military training to Nepal Citizens a must: Senior Maoist leader Bhattarai
The Unified Maoists’ Party that has been demanding formation of a new government under itsr own command has threatened that the constitution drafting process will not see timely conclusion unless their demand were met.

The former rebel party has also demanded that at least Millions of Nepalese must be provided with Military training to keep Nepali sovereignty intact.

“The local and foreign reactionaries have wrongly presumed that keeping Unified Maoists’ party having 40 per cent seats in the CA out of government the constitution could still be drafted…they are wrong in their calculations”, said the Unified Maoists’ Party vice chairman Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai while talking to journalists in Nepalgunj of Banke, Saturday February 6, 2010.

He also said that neither will the peace process see the desired conclusion nor the constitution drafting process amicably end by keeping our party out of the government structure.

“Let it be known that there will be no peace by alienating the party that has the largest peoples’ support”, he continued.

“To safeguard our national independence we must provide military training to some crores of Nepali citizens”, opined Bhattarai.’

Why Maoists? The Real Avatar: story of a Sacred Mountain



Get the message out about this struggle against Vedanta on Planet Earth not the Hollywood fantasy of tribals fighting on Planet Pandora in the film Avatar - make sure when the Avatar Film is shown the real struggle of the idigenous peoples of India is highlighted.

Why Maoists ? Vedanta Resources: Behind the Lies

Uttar Pradesh Police arrested eleven Maoists including two members of the central committee of the banned Communist Party of India Maoist


Lucknow, Feb 9 (ANI): Uttar Pradesh Police arrested eleven Maoists including two members of the central committee of the banned Communist Party of India Maoist.


Chintan and Balraj, both members of the apex central committee of the CPI (Maoist), were among 11 Naxalite leaders arrested in a night raid at Allahabad, Gorakhpur and Kanpur," Karamveer Singh, police chief of Uttar Pradesh, told a news conference here on Monday.


Chintan, 64, has PhD and MPhil degrees from JNU. Balraj, 51, also known as BR and Arvind, is a science graduate.

The nine others arrested are Navin Prasad Singh, Ambreesh, Deepak Ram, Shivraj Singh, Rajendra Kumar Fulara, Kripa Shankar, Seema Azad, Viswavijay and Asha Munda.

Consensus on fighting Indian Maoists, but CMs want more forces, arms


This article appeared in the Pioneeer on February 8, 2010

The Chief Minister’s meet on internal security on Sunday saw convergence of opinion on tackling the challenges posed by Leftwing extremism, but the States clamored for more resources and firepower and the Centre asked them to take steps to fill up the massive vacancies in the police force.

The deliberation also highlighted the fact the despite the Government thrust on dousing the flames of Red terror, the States were ill-equipped to launch an all out war against the Maoists and much needed to be done to add teeth to various ongoing operations on the ground. While Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P Chidambaram urged the Naxal-affected States to boldly confront the Maoists, Chief Ministers asked more weapons, air power, infrastructure and funding from the Centre.

The PM also touched on the subject of terrorists’ threat from Pakistan and said, “Hostile groups and elements operate from across the border to perpetrate terrorist acts in the country. Jammu & Kashmir bears the brunt of the acts of these groups.”

Manmohan Singh said while there had been a marked decline in the number of terrorist incidents from 2008 to 2009, “infiltration levels have shown an increase in the same period. Recently, there have been some incidents which are disturbing.”

On the subject of tackling Maoist menace, Raman Singh, Chief Minister of one of the worst affected states, Chhattisgarh, demanded that the Centre should share the cost of tackling Naxalism as it is not an “exclusive state level issue”. He sought Rs 815 crore from the 13th Finance Commission for development of police forces and also demanded two battalions of Central Para-military Forces (CPMF) for tackling Naxalism in the State.

“Chhattisgarh is a young and backward state that is already tottering under huge financial burden. I, therefore, request that the cost of deployment of the CPMF be met by the Central Government,” Raman Singh said.

Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan demand for Unmanned Aerial Vehicle was shot down by the Home Minister saying that it was not practical in populated areas. Chavan also demanded for latest satellite phones to tackle Naxals in dense forests.

Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar urged for centralised purchase of weapons, which was agreed by Chidambaram, if the States should submit intends before March 31. Nitish Kumar also argued for one-time funding for building police stations in Naxal-affected areas. Pointing out difficulties being faced by State administrators, Kumar said, “Procurement of arms, ammunition and equipment under central Modernisation of Police Force scheme should be done by MHA (Ministry of Home Affairs) and deliveries should be made to State Governments. “It has been difficult for the State Governments to go through the difficult procurement procedures for sophisticated equipment (which also include imported items),” he said.

The Chief Minister said large manufacturers are very often not interested in tenders for relatively small quantities floated by States. “Hence, the Central Government should consider Centralised procurement of such items.” He also asked the Centre to consider grant of one-time 100 per cent financial assistance for construction of buildings for police stations located in Naxalism-affected districts which do not have their own buildings.

West Bengal, which has three districts affected with Naxalism, demanded additional central forces to tackle the menace. Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee demanded “additional help” from the Centre to tackle the problem.

Bhattacharjee said some recent success against the Leftwing extremists has added momentum to the effort. “The morale of the force is now high and the time is right to mount pressure on the extremists. Some additional help at this crucial stage will be necessary to achieve our immediate tasks,” he said.

Monday, February 8, 2010

Oppose Indian Intervention against the Nepalese Revolution

OPPOSE INDIAN INTERVENTION AGAINST THE NEPALESE REVOLUTION!

OPPOSE INDIAN STATE'S WAR ON ITS TRIBAL PEOPLE!




RALLY AT TRAFALGAR SQUARE




MARCH TO INDIAN HIGH COMMISSION OFFICE, ALDWYCH, HOLBORN





MONDAY 15TH FEBRUARY 2010 , 12 NOON


Meeting organised by Progressive Nepalese Forum diaspora in the UK

Supported by

World Peoples Resistance Movement - Britain

South Asia Solidarity forum

Second Wave Publications

Democracy and Class Struggle

Co-ordination Committee of Revolutionary Communists of Britain