Pychologist Sicko and Psycho of 2018 presented as Mr Normal Man in Trump World. It did not take much deliberation for the Swinish Multitude to make its Sicko award for 2018.
FROM TORY TO THE JORDAN PETERSON STORY THE SAME OLD TORY STORY
Democracy and Class Struggle says Jair Bolsonaro is from hell and will return there. Ridding Brazil of Bolsonaro will be easier than his claim of uprooting socialism from the People's Hearts and Minds. People's War Against Bolsonaro. LONG LIVE MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM
The MLCO Proletarian Way is a Maoist organization in France founded in the late 1970s around the criticism of the dogmatism and spontaneity of a part of the French Maoist movement from May 68. Since then it is working to develop a communist policy towards the proletariat and the working class of France radically at odds with revisionism and reformism. its strategic objective is the regrouping of the workers’ and proletarian vanguard with a view to the reconstruction of a truly communist party in France. Your organisation follows and joined the demonstration since it has started. Who were the yellow vest protesters at the beginning and what was the role of the trade unions ?
To be honest, we joined the movement one week after the first day of action on November 17th. We must admit that we were a little surprised by the massive character of the mobilization of November 17, and by its specificities. Initially this movement is difficult to define. Yellow vests are people who are not in political or trade union organizations, rural people or in small or medium-sized cities. Socially it is varied : the working class is mobilized of course, but with other social layers, such as small-employers (craftsmen and tradesmen) or independents. Besides the fact that the opposition to the tax on fuel is unanimous, the level of claims are also very varied. In fact, a movement like this is quite unusual in France. And the unions are totally absent from the first days of actions and demonstrations.
After a while the number of the protesters started to increase. How do you explain this spontaneous explosion of the people on the streets ?
The mobilization is massive from the beginning : 300,000 people on November 17th according to the bourgeois press, but surely much more in view of the number of blocking points recorded throughout the country. For us, the success of the movement can be explained mainly by two aspects : the worsening of the living conditions and Marcon’s disregard for the working class since his election. The economic crisis is still there. This is not new, but the effects are felt more and more. For the workers and the proletarians of course, these are the first affected. But now it also affects other social parts, as a part of the small-employer or the petty wage-earning bourgeoisie who has mobilized itself. The other aspect is Macron’s attitude ; for many, it is the "president of the rich", the one who suppressed the ISF (tax on large fortunes). And clearly the tax on fuel disguised as an ecological measure was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. That the government wants to pay the ecological crisis to those who can not make ends meet, it did not happen at all.
Can you also tell us if the migrant (workers) are also involved in these actions, and how do you deal with the racist, rightist groups in the demonstrations ?
As far as we know, undocumented collectives are not involved in the movement. As far as the far right groups are concerned, we did not directly confront them. We have not crossed paths already, and in the big cities we had made the choice to intervene in processions identified as progressive. In Paris, for example, we walked alongside the railway workers and the Adama collective. In any case, in several cities, the fascists were removed from the processions by antifascist militants, or simply by demonstrators who refused their presence, this is very positive ! However, racism, chauvinism or the manifestations of other oppressions such as sexism or homophobia were not only the result of the extreme right organized in this mobilization. When we faced them, we fought them by opposing our revolutionary and internationalist slogans. And for that we relied on progressive and revolutionary forces when they were around us.
It is the people who voted just a year ago for Macron. How did it come this far with the reactions of the people after just 1,5 year of ruling the country ?
We had a campaign to boycott the last elections. It should be noted that a large number did not vote for Macron, or did not vote at all. Only 40% of registrants voted Macron and more than 30% abstained, voted blank or void. We can not say either that the Macron program has convinced in social layers that we find today with a yellow vest, on the contrary ! And then, voting once every 5 years has also never prevent the opressed class to mobilize.
We know that in essence the demonstrations are about the life conditions witch are going bacwards, but there’s also a lot of concrete demands. Macron « claimed » to fullfil some of the demands but the people are continuing the protests. In the past demonstrations were ending after the kind of situations, even if the conditions were in general still bad . What makes the difference today ?
Besides the fuel tax, Macron has not really retreated and the measures announced are really crumbs. The increase in the activity premium was already planned, other measures are downright disguised gifts for the employers ! Clearly mobilized people are not fooled, the account is not there ! Secondly, since its inception, this movement has completely abandonned the reformist organizations (including the unions). In general, social mobilizations are those forces that direct the movement, that limit and channel it, that find a "realistic" way out of which capitalism can cope. The working class in the movement do not care about creating "realistic" demands, but to just fight for their needs. The relation to violence in the movement also shows it quite well. Trade unions and other reformist organizations strongly condemn violence, the "breakers". But in the processions there is a broad agreement to say that the peoples violence that emanates from the demonstrations is not much compared to the social and economic violence of the system that we undergo daily ; in relation to the violence of the state and its police, who severely repress these demonstrations. For many yellow vests, the violence of the people is legitimate !
And what is the line and the perspective of your organisation about the ongoing resistance ?
With the absent of the trade unions and the parties, this movement is a good example of a spontaneous uprising of the people. We had not seen this in France since the riots in working class neighborhoods in 2005. This shows that the exploited do not need organizations to revolt. At the political level, many people understand with this movement that to change things, we will have to take our own issues in our hand. The most combative, the most conscious people ask themselves good questions : the use of violence to achieve our ends ; the question of power too : "Macron resignation ? ", but what will happen after ? However, we can see that the movement is starting to show signs of slowing down. The demonstrations are a little less massive, the claims fish for lack of unity : spontaneity begins to show its limits. Faced with the state and its fierce repression, to overthrow capitalism and really change things, the exploited need a solid fighting organization, and headquarters. In short, a communist party. Our organization remains small, we do not pretend to be this party nor the means to influence the general line of the movement on communist and revolutionary bases. On the other hand, we have the capacity to advance the consciousness of the most combative people, and to reinforce us where we intervene daily, in the companies and the popular districts where we are, as OCML-VP or via work in mass collectives and trade unions. At our level, this is what we are working on in this movement. SOURCE: http://ocml-vp.org/article1993.html?fbclid=IwAR0mkp4NSCKMNqirJbmQj8XyDO-qALMFs3IhUsiLBoxkOsBq-Q8z9rPMca4
Democracy and Class Struggle says Japanese Russian relations in the pre War period with Soviet Union do not get coverage in the West they deserve for obvious political reasons , Harbin in Manchuria was full of Russian Fascists who collaborated with Japanese during this period and a top Soviet Intelligence Officer about to be purged by Stalin defected to Japan in 1938 and his debriefing exposed the absolute necessity of the military purge in the Far East to ensure Soviet Victory. In fact Japanese archives provide a lot of information about anti Soviet counter revolutionary activity in Soviet Far East. On 13 June 1938, Lyushkov defected from the Soviet Union by crossing the border into Manchukuo with valuable secret documents about the Soviet military strength in the region, which was much greater than the Japanese had realised. He was the highest-ranking secret police official to defect; he also had the greatest inside knowledge about the purges within the Soviet Red Army because of his own participation in carrying them out. His defection was initially kept a state secret by Japan, but the revelation of his defection was judged to have a high propaganda value,[8] so the decision was made to release the news to the world. A press conference was arranged at a Tokyo hotel on 13 July,[8] a month after Lyushkov had defected. He "categorically denied Moscow's allegation that he was an imposter"[8] but some news agencies, such as the New York Times wondered if he was telling the truth. During subsequent interviews and interactions with Japanese military personnel, Lyushkov adopted an anti-Stalinist position.[9] However, his professed political views remained socialistic in nature according to the recollections of some Japanese intelligence officers, with Lyushkov calling himself a Trotskyite,[10] but some Japanese officers believed that he had later become a liberal communist.[11] Though Lyushkov was anti-Stalinist, he was resistant to the idea of creating a new regime led by Russian émigrés.[11] He was, however, willing to include them in a proposed plan for the assassination of Stalin. A resistance group of Russian emigrants would travel across the Turkish-Soviet border when Stalin would travel south to a resort in Sochi, which he had visited previously to swim in the Matsesta River. Lyushkov's intimate knowledge of NKVD procedures and the way Stalin's guard detail would be organised encouraged the Japanese to support the plan. However, a Soviet agent had infiltrated the group of Russian exiles and foiled the plan, which was considered the only serious attempt to assassinate Stalin.[2] Lyushkov was able to detail the strength of the Red Army in the Far East, Siberia and Ukraine, simultaneously providing Soviet military radio codes. He was considered highly intelligent and dedicated,[9] producing great volumes of written material,[10] but there was some uncertainty about his ability to provide useful information specific to military operations.[11] As he spent more time in Japan, his hard work impressed the Japanese intelligence officers with whom he had been assigned to work. The staff of the Imperial Japanese Army had concerns, however, about his psychological state, especially pertaining to the status of his wife and daughter, about whom he had heard no news since his defection. After a failed search by Japanese intelligence agents for his family, a plan to both pacify and "domesticate"[10] Lyushkov was decided upon: he would be paired with a woman, both to distract him from the question of his family's status and to keep him rooted in Japan. An eventual match was found after Lyushkov refused several White émigré women.[10] At some point, he began to make plans to travel to the United States and contacted an American publisher about a possible autobiography that he would write. He had concerns that he might be prevented from leaving Japan and went as far as to negotiate a written safe-conduct guarantee.[12] Disappearance After Germany's capitulation, Lyushkov was sent on 20 July 1945 to work for the Japanese Kwantung Army's Special Intelligence authorities in the puppet state of Manchukuo.[13] On 9 August 1945, the Soviet invasion of Manchuria commenced and Lyushkov vanished in the confusion of the assault, where he was reportedly last seen in a crowd at a Dairen train station.[13]
Other theories hold that he was captured by the Red Army or that he was killed on the orders of a Japanese Special Intelligence officer to prevent him from giving away Japanese military secrets to the Soviet Union. 10 Coox, Alvin D. (January 1968). "L'Affaire Lyushkov: Anatomy of a Defector". Soviet Studies. 19 (3): 405–20. doi:10.1080/09668136808410603. ISSN 0038-5859. JSTOR 149953. SOURCE WIKIPEDIA
^ Jump up to:abcdefgKuksin, Ilya (17 August 1999). ПОБЕГ СТОЛЕТИЯ[Flight of the Century]. Vestnik (in Russian). Vestnik Information Agency. 17 (224). Retrieved 12 February 2012.
Democracy and Class Struggle says China is vulnerable to the World Economic Crisis coming in the 2020's which we will further expose the weakness of the global neo liberal capitalist order. Unlike 2008 China should not be rescuing capitalism from its crisis with more market opening something which we strongly condemned at the time. Opening the road to socialist transition is made more urgent by a world headed for ecological catastrophe - only Socialism can Save China guided by the revolutionary ideology of Marxism Leninism Maoism. Deng Xiaoping Thought or Xi Jinping Thought synergises class struggle - at its best sidelines it - but at worst denies it
Mao Zedong "Never forget classes; never forget class struggle. Class struggle is the key link, everything else hinges on it."
Democracy and Class Struggle begins the new year with Arundhati Roy giving us a picture of Utmost sadness and Utmost happiness. REMEMBERING NOOR INAYAT KHAN IN S.O.E FIGHTING NAZISM https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noor_Inayat_Khan
