
First published on Next Front
The world communist movement has until today passed by 162 years after the Communist Manifesto was published in 1848. Detailed account of 162 years’ long history of the communist parties all over the world will suffice to compiling a few big volumes. It is very difficult to condense such a huge subject in a two or three page article. So, centring mainly on the questions like, what does a two-line struggle mean in a communist party, where and how has been its central expression in the history of the world communist movement, a brief discussion will be carried out in this article. And, an effort will be made to uncover the content of the ongoing two-line struggle in our party and justify why it is not different in its content from the two-line struggles carried out in the international communist movement until today.
Two-line struggle is an ideological and political struggle, which takes place between a Marxist line and a non-Marxist i.e. a bourgeois line, in a communist party. In other words, the two-line struggle, in its essence, is a struggle between two paths in which one strives to grasp Marxism firmly aiming at going along the path of establishing communism, the world over, and other defines Marxism as to agree with immediate need for partial reform in the status quo. Class struggle exists till the classes exist in a society and it is reflected in the ideological struggle of the communist party. It is the life of a communist party. The philosophical base of a communist party is Marxism. And, Marxism is developmental, now it is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
There are a lot of communist parties in a country and all of them claim to be a genuine Marxist. In our country too, a huge number of communist parties exist today. One should be clear on whether one is a Marxist or not and what is its criterion to be a Marxist notwithstanding its claim to be so. Marxism is a comprehensive whole, and it has three component parts. First one is the philosophy; it is dialectical and historical materialism. The second one is the scientific socialism and third is the political economy. Marxist philosophy provides ideological leadership to the proletarian revolution. Scientific socialism is such a transitional political system that leads the entire process of transformation from capitalism into communism. Likewise, Marxist political economy urges to establish socialised mode of production in place of the capitalist one so that it makes every worker the owner of his labour. These are the fundamental questions of Marxism. To deviate from any one of these aspects is to follow the path of reformism. For a reformist, it is easy to attack on methodology but it is not equally easy to attack on principle. It does not mean that bourgeois representatives do not attack upon Marxist philosophy. Yet, the revisionists mainly attack upon the violent struggle, which plays a midwife role to establish socialist system, and the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is necessary to defend and develop it.
Lenin, in his important thesis on State and Revolution, writes, “It is often said and written that the main point in Marx’s theory is the class struggle. But this is wrong. And this wrong notion very often results in an opportunist distortion of Marxism and its falsification in a spirit acceptable to the bourgeoisie. For the theory of the class struggle was created not by Marx, but by the bourgeoisie before Marx, and, generally speaking, it is acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Those who recognize only the class struggle are not yet Marxists; they may be found to be still within the bounds of bourgeois thinking and bourgeois politics. To confine Marxism to the theory of the class struggle means curtailing Marxism, distorting it, reducing it to something acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat. That is what constitutes the most profound distinction between the Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois. This is the touchstone on which the real understanding and recognition of Marxism should be tested.” Although the two-line struggle in the international communist movement has been manifested in different forms, but in the final analysis, it is centred on the question of whether to go forward along the path of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat or follow the path of class reconciliation.
Apart from the revisionist attack upon the dictatorship of the proletariat, we find rigorous attacks upon two other components of Marxism too. On unity and struggle of opposites, Marxism regards that struggle is absolute and unity is relative. But, the revisionists have been attacking upon this notion. At the time of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution a Chinese intellectual Yang Hsien Chen had brought forward an eclectic concept of ‘two combines into one’ as opposed to the dialectical concept of one divides into two. It stands against the dialectical materialist concept that the unity between two opposites is relative and the struggle between two opposites is absolute. The Communist Party of China led by Mao strongly opposed it. He argued that it was the path of class collaboration in place of class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. In fact, the principle that regarded the unity between two opposites is absolute and the struggle is relative was the ideological root behind the counter-revolution in China.
When we see back, we find this very struggle to have taken place in the Nepalese communist movement too. In the Unity Congress held in 1992, Ruplal Viswakarma had advocated that the unity is absolute and struggle is relative. Where did that understanding make him reach today is clear to all. As his legacy, the very understanding of our leadership who envisages that the liberation of Nepal and Nepalese people lies in the fusion of materialism and idealism has now made him reach to disarming the PLA by handing over containers’ keys to the reaction. In addition to that the Maoist Prime Minister has now ordered the police administration to return land to the landlords by seizing back from the landless and poor peasants who had occupied it with the strength of PLA when people’s war was advancing. It will not be a surprise even if our leadership, who opines today to declare ‘martyrs’ to those people who were killed from both sides at the time of war, alleges ‘criminal’ tomorrow to those disciplined and revolutionary comrades to whom he had ordered to take action against class enemies yesterday. An idea that we should work friendly with Indian ruling classes to defend national sovereignty of Nepal is becoming dominant in our party. It is national capitulationism. All this is an expression of class collaboration and its ideological base is eclecticism. The two-line struggle, which is going on in our party, is at its climax today.




