Abdullah Ocalan
Source : Maoist Communist Party Italy and MFPR comrade
Below are excerpts of
the speeches made by two Kurdish women, Havin Guneser, journalist and
spokeswoman for the International Initiative “Freedom for Abdullah Ocalan -
Peace for Kurdistan” and Dilar Dirik, researcher at the University of
Cambridge, at a Conference held on 11th of October in Rome.
These speeches are
important, as they explain well what are the analysis, politics and principles behind the very advanced
role and organization of Kurdish women and fighters who refer themselves to the
PKK. The first speech, in particular, is a kind of “manifesto” of the thought
that inspired the struggle of Kurdish women, expression of theories of Ocalan
and PKK.
We must say that we
consider these theories of Ocalan as democratic-libertarian, anti
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.
Therefore, given the
deep respect we have towards the battle that the PKK is carrying forward and
the vital role of women in this battle in all the sphere - military, political,
ideological – in achieving on the field a new society (in Rojava) that puts at
the centre not only ideally but practically, with concrete measures, the issues
of women’s liberation, precisely this respect and solidarity cannot exempt us
from expressing our deep, strategic, divergence with the analysis and theories
of Ocalan and the representatives of the Kurdish fighters referring to him.
We can also understand
– and our fraternal Maoist parties of Turkey / Kurdistan could specially help
us to understand better – the historical grounds of these theories of Ocalan,
related to the reality of Kurdistan, the colonial / feudal condition in which
the people, and women in particular, have been forced, and the way in which
during decades the clash for the liberation of the Kurdish people has
developed.
Clearly, these are not
trivial arguments, surely they can fascinate, especially the feminist,
ecologist, libertarian, etc. movements. Therefore, they should not be
criticized superficially.
At the same time, it
seems that the practice, the heroic battle they are currently carrying forward
in Kobane, as well as the construction of a new social order in Rojava, the
application of the principle of freedom, the concrete measures to assert the
delimitating and leading role of women, are, in all aspects, economic,
political and ideological, much better and even different in practice from the
theories of Ocalan. This is an important aspect.
But, again, the MLM
Communists do not hide away, they say clearly that on which they agree and on
which they do not. We, then, are Leninists, and with Lenin we know how is
important the struggle / criticism of other trends, and that the assertion, in
theory and in practice, of MLM is always in close connection with a work of
distinction from other theories.
Finally, I want to
stress positively the consistent relationship, that Kurdish comrades emphasized,
between the movement / organization of women and the party. Here the
organization of women is the result of the application of the line, the
strategy, the understanding of the party of which the women comrades are
determinant part.
This “method”, in a non-trivial but Leninist sense, yes, is
the method of MLM, and of our party in particular, of our understanding and practice
of a new type of communist party, that we bring consistently in Italy and
internationally, and we have to emphasize this in the women’s and feminist
movement in Italy, in order to fight and criticize the anti-party ideas,
strongly influential.
Here, we limit
ourselves to briefly point out some issues - surely to be deepened.
Excerpts from the speeches (in italics):
Kurdish: “The aspirations of freedom of
the Kurdish people, especially of Kurdish women ... paved the way to the fact
that women had a great role. So, despite the fact that at the beginning the
struggle of women within the PKK did not transcend the boundaries of the old
left, it could not even be contained within them. Here the role of Ocalan is
important both as a strategist and as political leader of the Kurdish movement.
He did not ignore the slavery of women, nor their desire to fight for freedom.
He opened political, social, cultural, ideological and organizational spaces
for women, in spite of the backlash of a few men members of the organization.
He did so with strong determination ...”
PCm: This clearly is a great merit of Ocalan, especially when taking into
account the condition of strong feudal residuals, that had and have their more
brutal expression against women.
Kurdish: “(but) soon problems emerged. To
reach and join the revolutionary movement, was not enough to overcome,
established features arising from colonial and feudal structures. Problems
began to emerge, particularly in the approach towards women there, where there
was an attempt to reproduce traditional roles within the guerrilla forces and
the Party bodies. There were women who accepted to replicate these roles but
also other women who refused...”
PCm: For us, for the MLM parties – which we call parties of a new type –
for the Maoist revolutionary
communist women, this is not something new. We observed this in the people’s
wars in Peru, Nepal, today in India. And the Maoists addressed this fact long
time ago, in practice and in theory.
Mao Zedong, with Chang
Ching, theorized the “revolution within the revolution”, that was grasped by
women, particularly during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, to bring
revolution in the superstructure and within the party and society.
And It is
the revolutionary People’s Republic of China that leads the women with “bound
feet” to be the “other half of the sky” in all fields.
It is during the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution that the issues of violence and oppression in
the families, rapes, abortion, etc are addressed in an extremely modern way,
even for today.
During the People’s
Wars in Peru and later in Nepal
this struggle has been practiced and theorized.
While it was “discovering” the
“revolutionary proletarian feminist movement”, our Party was inspired a lot by
the theories and actions of PCP as well of CPN(M).
The former communist Parvati
well analyzed and explained in her writings why the “traditional roles in the
guerrilla forces and the Party bodies” are reproduced and women member accept a
lesser role in the Party, the People’s Army and the People’s War, and not only,
she also developed a struggle that had led to deep transformations.
So, is the theoretical
and practical weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and its creative application to
today’s reality that, based also on an assessment of previous experiences,
allows to put at a new height the issue of the role of women and the centrality
within the party and in the revolutionary struggle of this ideological,
political and practical struggle for a communist party of a new type and for an
active assertion of the “revolution within revolution”, in India (where women
are even more than 50% are leading the People’s War, the PLGA, etc.) as in our
party, in Italy.
Kurdish: “Ocalan began speaking about a
new concept: kill the ruling male. Since then, the liberation struggle of the
women became more radical. They started talking about getting away from the
ruling mentality of modernity, psychologically and culturally. But also spoke
of a parallel project to transform males. At this aim, the education of men was
made by women ...”
PCm: But, in this struggle, Ocalan departs from historical and dialectical
materialism and approaches idealism.
The issue is not the social system, the ruling class, but the “ruling male”, operating an inversion between structure and superstructure; replacing the struggle against the system that produces the ruling ideas, with the struggle against the ruling ideas.
The issue is not the social system, the ruling class, but the “ruling male”, operating an inversion between structure and superstructure; replacing the struggle against the system that produces the ruling ideas, with the struggle against the ruling ideas.
Kurdish: “The male became a system. The
male has become the state and turned itself into the ruling culture. Class and
gender oppression develop together; masculinity produced the ruling gender, the
ruling class and the ruling state. If the male is analyzed in this framework,
it is clear that male must be killed. In fact, kill the ruling male is the
fundamental principle of socialism”.
PCm: We speak about intertwining of class oppression and gender. But, while
saying that they develop together, Ocalan 'forgets' the class oppression.
Indeed, he does worse: the ideology (masculinity) produced the “ruling gender” and the State.
So the male, not the class, has become the state. Hence the conclusion is inescapable: we have to overthrow neither the state or the ruling capitalist system, but “kill the ruling male” ... and this is passed off as “the fundamental principle of socialism”
But what a kind of socialism?
Indeed, he does worse: the ideology (masculinity) produced the “ruling gender” and the State.
So the male, not the class, has become the state. Hence the conclusion is inescapable: we have to overthrow neither the state or the ruling capitalist system, but “kill the ruling male” ... and this is passed off as “the fundamental principle of socialism”
But what a kind of socialism?
Kurdish: “Despite the fact that the PKK
was no longer the old left, it was unable to find a solution of complete
breaking with real socialism and, then, with the capitalist modernity. We can
say that the period 1993-2003 has been a phase of transition to build an
alternative to capitalist modernity.
The theoretical material available, the past experiences of different other movements, feminism and the experience of the PKK itself led our movement to the conclusion that slavery of women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as of all social problems…”
The theoretical material available, the past experiences of different other movements, feminism and the experience of the PKK itself led our movement to the conclusion that slavery of women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as of all social problems…”
PCm: The clear impression is that here Ocalan actually calls “real
socialism” the power recovered and restored by the defeated bourgeoisie through
a counter-revolution that overthrew socialism, which for a long time kept the
name of ‘socialist’ country (in Russia, partially in Eastern Europe, in China).
The only alternative to “capitalist
modernity” (a not correct formulation, as it objectively puts the struggle
on the field of the superstructure, the costume, almost religious) is socialism
and, in countries oppressed by imperialism, the New Democracy as a stage
towards socialism.
Sure, in the experiences of the communist movement we saw
serious mistakes, setbacks, but precisely these setbacks led the revolutionary
China to not stop, to launch its assault on the heavens with the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the sphere of the superstructure, where the
ruling ideas of oppression persist, amongst which the ideas of submission of
women are the tip of the iceberg.
But the summing-up,
also painful, of these historical experiences should lead to seek new paths,
that have nothing to do with the analyses of Ocalan, that inevitably lead into
the arms of those who denigrate socialism.
Moving forward. It is
fully idealism to say that “slavery of
women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as all the
social problems ...”, if this:
a) is not seen at the
light of the historical process of humanity described by Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property
and the State where he explains how the first oppressed subject is the
woman, and that the first division of labor was towards women;
b) obscures the real cause of social problems: the private property, the exploitation, the contradiction capital-labour, the rule of imperialism.
b) obscures the real cause of social problems: the private property, the exploitation, the contradiction capital-labour, the rule of imperialism.
Kurdish: “So he began to depart from the
typical Marxist-Leninists. He was different in the way he began to see the
state apparatus, as an instrument of power and exploitation, unnecessary for
the continuation of human life and nature”.
PCm: Indeed, Ocalan departs from Marxism-Leninism and approaches
democratic-libertarian theories. He denounces the ‘State’ in itself, not only
the bourgeois state, the regimes lackeys of imperialism, but every state, so
even the socialist state. As put by Marx and Lenin (State and Revolution) it is an absolute necessity, for a certain
period – until communism, where there will be no need of State – in order to
organize the structures of the new people’s power, to defend the new
proletarian power and prevent the restoration by the defeated class, to begin
the process to wipe out classes, class divisions and any residual form of
social, cultural and ideological oppression, primarily the sexism against
women, that will persist for a long time even after the revolution and implies
an organized struggle and concrete measures that only a socialist state can
implement.
Marx wrote: “And now
as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between
them.. [...]What I did that was new was to prove: (1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the development of production, (2)
that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat (3) that this dictatorship itself
only constitutes the transition to the
abolition of all classes and to a classless
society”.
To Deny the socialist
state is to deny the dictatorship of the proletariat and therefore the
possibility of transition to communism, the “classless society”.
It is the dictatorship
of the proletariat, enriched by the advanced experience of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution that can ‘enhance’ the new role of women,
giving the power and also taking measures to defeat the strong residual sexism
that persists (in Italy, in the 70s, the most important Maoist trend - the
PcmlI - at some point theorized a period of ‘feminine dictatorship’).
That said, we ask:
what occurs in Rojava, the implemented practical and organizational measures
that allow an equal role for women, is not the result of an organization of
society, that we call State, that clearly is totally opposed to the bourgeois
state or feudal / semi-feudal regimes, as it is based on people’s
organizations, on standards and functioning criteria that enhance the organized
participation of proletarians and masses?
Kurdish: “Thirdly also changed his
concept of revolutionary violence and finally it was formulated as self-defense.”
PCm: This is definitely anti MLM. It can be said that Marx, Lenin and Mao,
they all “eulogized” revolutionary violence as necessary to oppose and defeat
the reactionary violence of imperialism and oppressors states.
In this sense, revolutionary violence is the only mean to realize a society without violence. In the 1st Volume of Capital Marx wrote: “The violence is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with a new one.” Mao Zedong said, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and “war can only be abolished through war.”
In this sense, revolutionary violence is the only mean to realize a society without violence. In the 1st Volume of Capital Marx wrote: “The violence is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with a new one.” Mao Zedong said, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and “war can only be abolished through war.”
In fact, and
fortunately, the Kurdish women and man fighters in Kobane are practicing “revolutionary
violence” but, if unfortunately it was seen only as “self-defense” it would
lead to the defeat, sooner or later.
Marx and Engels wrote
that the Commune of Paris was defeated because was not been able to fully use
the revolutionary violence.
Kurdish: “Ocalan stated that slavery of
women have been perpetuated on three levels in the past five thousand years:
first there is the ideological construction of slavery; then the use of force;
finally the exclusion from the economy ...”.
PCm: Again, in his historical analysis, Ocalan uses idealism and not
historical materialism, through a real reversal of the history itself, that
shows how first there was the exclusion of women from the economy, relegating
them to ‘‘the house economy”, then and the use of force and then the
ideological slavery. Without the division of labour and private property there
would be no basis for the ideological slavery.
Kurdish: “Without understanding how
masculinity was socially formed, we can not analyze the state has been established
and, therefore, we are not able to accurately define the culture of war and
power related to the very being of a state. This is something that we emphasize
because it is what paved the way for the femicide and the colonization and
exploitation of peoples .... Capitalism and the nation-state are formed to
represent the ruling male in its most institutionalized form. To put it
briefly, capitalism and the nation-state are the monopoly of the tyrannical and
exploiter male.”
PCm: Again a reversal. The “masculinity”,
the “culture of war and of power”
determine the state as a bourgeois dictatorship and not the inverse. So, if the
state is the “ruling male” we do not have to smash the bourgeois state, just “kill the ruling male”. So, if capitalism
is the “the monopoly of the tyrannical
and exploiter male”, no need to overthrow capitalism, private property ...
(Just put women at the head of capitalism? ... let the joke).
Unfortunately, we are
in the full of idealism: it would be the “masculinity”, i.e. the ideology, that
leads to the colonization, exploitation of peoples, femicides, not the
capitalist imperialist system, that exploits, colonizes, plunders, suppresses
and creates an increasingly barbaric humus that makes the femicide something
considered “normal”. Then, consequently, there is not a big difference between
the theories of Ocalan and those of “democratic” sections of bourgeoisie which
say that the origin, the problem, where we have to especially intervene is the
cultural sphere...
Instead, we think that
the struggle against femicide and every aspect of women’s oppression has to go
to and fight the systemic and structural grounds, and sharpen, at the same
time, the struggle against every aspect of the bourgeois / feudal sexist
ideology.
This shows why oppression of women has not solution within this system, but also, at the same time, the opportunity to send to the graveyard of history these mortal ideologies, when the revolutionary struggle, the continuation of the revolution in every field will destroy the economic and political basis on which such ideologies hold on
This shows why oppression of women has not solution within this system, but also, at the same time, the opportunity to send to the graveyard of history these mortal ideologies, when the revolutionary struggle, the continuation of the revolution in every field will destroy the economic and political basis on which such ideologies hold on
Kurdish: “It depends on the fact the capitalistic economic and social form
is not a historical necessity, it is a construction forged through a complex
process. Religion and philosophy have been transformed into nationalism, the
deity of the nation state. The main goal of this ideological war is to ensure
the monopoly on thought. The main weapons to achieve it are the religious
fundamentalism, the gender discrimination and scientism as a positivist
religion”.
PCm: Ocalan gives up the historical analysis and relies on “myths”.
The "capitalistic economic
and social form" was a historical necessity. Marx would turn in his grave,
hearing the claims of Ocalan.
Indeed, Marx called the bourgeois society progressive compared to the feudal society and the slavery society, etc. Because Communism, he said, can not be a communist egalitarian distribution of poverty, but of social wealth, of the development of the productive forces that only capitalism could realize - of course up to a certain point, then capitalism itself becomes a constraint to the development of the productive forces and destroys them.
But, at the same time, capitalism gave birth to its “gravedigger”, and without this gravedigger, the united struggle of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples against capitalism and imperialism, there would be no socialism.
Indeed, Marx called the bourgeois society progressive compared to the feudal society and the slavery society, etc. Because Communism, he said, can not be a communist egalitarian distribution of poverty, but of social wealth, of the development of the productive forces that only capitalism could realize - of course up to a certain point, then capitalism itself becomes a constraint to the development of the productive forces and destroys them.
But, at the same time, capitalism gave birth to its “gravedigger”, and without this gravedigger, the united struggle of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples against capitalism and imperialism, there would be no socialism.
Everything else Ocalan
says is true, unless you move completely away from the economical and material
system that support or gives birth to religion, philosophy, etc; and as long as
he completes the sentence “The main
objective of this ideological war is to ensure its monopoly on thought”
saying that the purpose of this “monopoly
on thought” is the defence, the continuation of the capitalist social,
economic system.
Kurdish: “Without ideological hegemony,
only with the political and military oppression, it would be impossible for the
modernity to hold on …”
PCm: On the one hand, this is true – being understood that it is not scientific to speak of “modernity” – on the other hand, it would
be an illusion to think that the fight should take place especially at the
level of the ideological hegemony.
Kurdish: “In order to stop the
perpetuation of capitalism and the concentration of power, as well as the
reproduction of the hierarchy, it is necessary to create structures for a
democratic, ecological, society, based on the gender liberation. It is an
absolute necessity to achieve this dismantling of the power and hierarchy. This
social system of democratic modernity is the Democratic confederalism and the
Democratic Autonomy. This system is not an alternative form of the state, but
an alternative to the state...”.
“Although is labelled as a ‘separatist organization’, the PKK has since
a long gone beyond the concepts of state and nationalism, and now upholds an
alternative path of liberation in the form of regional autonomy and
self-government, the ‘democratic confederalism’, based on gender equality,
ecology and democracy from below, put into practice through the people’s
councils” ... “
PCm: We speak about ‘New Democratic State’, as a step towards socialism.
But even accepting the social system put forward by Ocalan, once again, what is
wrong is to say that it is an alternative to the state, a counter-state. We
would say, it has good hopes but certainly would be crushed by imperialism and
its regimes.
The ‘New Democratic
State’ in the countries oppressed by imperialism, the ‘socialist state’ in the
capitalist and imperialist countries, is not a “concept” (as also the bourgeois
state is not a “concept”), but a historical necessity, abundantly proofed. Of
course, it is based on the people’s structures, but builds a national
structure, otherwise the restoration is always lurking.
Kurdish: “The PKK challenges patriarchy
and practices the co-presidency, that equally shares the responsibility between
a women and men, from the chair of the Party to the neighborhood councils, and
implements 50/50 gender ratio at all levels of government.
These policies are mechanisms to ensure the representation of women in all spheres of life, councils, education, parties and cooperatives, as well as the deconstruction of patriarchy in the theory.
These policies are mechanisms to ensure the representation of women in all spheres of life, councils, education, parties and cooperatives, as well as the deconstruction of patriarchy in the theory.
They are aimed to give meaning to this representation
... Its laws aim to democratize family and eliminate gender discrimination. Men
who use violence against women can not be part of the administration.
One of the first acts of the government was to outlaw forced marriages, domestic violence, honor killings, polygamy, marriages with girls, bride pricing and market of brides. The leadership of parties, municipalities, councils and committees are handled by a woman and a man, co-presidents who share the position...”.
One of the first acts of the government was to outlaw forced marriages, domestic violence, honor killings, polygamy, marriages with girls, bride pricing and market of brides. The leadership of parties, municipalities, councils and committees are handled by a woman and a man, co-presidents who share the position...”.
PCm: As we said, the reality is better than the “theories”. What is
occurring in Rojava (very good, but nothing new, just see what happened during
the Cultural Revolution in China or, coming to more recent times, what occurred
in the base areas in Nepal, before the betrayal of Prachanda, or what occurs in
the guerrilla areas under the control of the People’s War in India) is the
result of an organization.
You can also call state, but is statal, there is the a political power of the government that makes the laws; there is a structure of administration, there is a people’s army ...
See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/10/democratic-modernity-era-of-womans.html
You can also call state, but is statal, there is the a political power of the government that makes the laws; there is a structure of administration, there is a people’s army ...
See Also: http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2014/10/democratic-modernity-era-of-womans.html
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