Our Beloved Comrade Tarimela Nagi Reddy by Indian Comrade

  

1. Introduction

On 28th July this year the Indian Communist Revolutionary Movement dips its blood in memory on the 36th death anniversary of Comrade Tarimala Nagi Reddy. His contribution to the Indian Communist Revolutionary Movement was invaluable .`

In light on the great repression on the democratic rights movement in India even today Com Nagi Reddy’s teachings have great relevance.

He laid the foundation for the correct perspective in the democratic Rights Movement.

He was born in a wealthy family on February 11th 1917. His schooling was done in the Theosophical and Rishi Valley schools which were reknowned for their discipline and all –round development of personality.

Here he learnt about the dignity of labour ,which was professed by the schools. This teaching set the trend for his revolutionary career.

He meticulously studied Marxist –Leninist theory and moulded himself with revolutionary consciousness.

Remarkably he launched a struggle against the landlord of is own family.

Comrade Nagi Reddy’s political ideas were not tolerated by the governing body of the Madras Loyoal college ,thus he moved to Benarus Hindu University,where he had greater avenues to express his political thought. Making untiring efforts he led the student masses towards nationalist politics, socialist ideas and proletarian revolution.

Inspite of carrying the burden of leading the student’s movement and participating in the secret organization of the party, his upper-class background prevented him from attaining party membership early.

In 1939, the Communist Party of India had full faith in Nagi Reddy’s proletarian revolutionary qualities , and awarded him party membership.

Marge Grower, the then vice-chancellor of Delhi University ,openly challenged the national slogan for the formation of a constituent assembly.

Comrade.T.N, openly opposed this,being the leader of the Students Union. Fascinatingly,the Indian Congress leader Gandhi opposed him Gandhi wrote a letter to the Vice –Chancelor of the BHU to demand an apology from T.N.

T,N.opposed it and as thus failed in his law examinations.

Angered T.N. left the college and returned to his village. He started organizing students and youth into the Communist Movement. Several youth were attracted to Comrade T.N’s simple, down-to –earth style of explaining politics and economics. This made the Congress leaders helpless. (They opposed the Communists in the Freedom Struggle)

In 1949 T.N. published a booklet titled ‘economic effects of War’ which dealt with the effects of the 2^ndworld war on India when the government was imposing collection of levy from peasants for war efforts. 

At the same time it left the food grain stocks of landlords untouched. From underground, he charted out a programme to oppose the levy. He collected the details of food grain stocks with the landlords and exposed it before the people.

The government issued an arrest warrant on Com.T.N. and gave him rigorous imprisonment for 1 year.

In the Telengana struggle T. N. served as a member of the Rayalaseema Regional Committee, taking proper measures to save the secret organization and the families of several comrades which came uder repeated raids by the police. His wife Laxmikanthamma also lived a rigorous underground life.

Comrade T.N.played a major role in the Telengana Armed struggle from 1946-51. He was arrested in 1951 . In 1952 he came out of underground life and contested the elections.

In 1957 he was elected to parliament.He became amember of the Public accounts committee ,he made a thorough study of the economic stranglehold of imperialism overall spheres.He proved that the Indian economic system is tied to that of the Imperialists.He combated the revisionist policies of the then Communist Party of India and refuted the claim of Nehru’s Congess to be Socialist and was also critical of the national chauvinist trend in the Communist party.

In 1962 he was arrested for opposing India’s stand in the China War and propogating Sino-India friendship, under the National Security act.

In December 1964 he was again arrested during the Indo -Pak war.

He waged a major struggle within the Communist Party of India-Marxist,opposing the opportunism of the Madurai document in 1967.

Here the C.P.M. bowed to Soviet revisionism. 

He opposed these trends within jail itself.

The state plenum of Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries was held in April 1969.It adopted the document”Immediate Programme”which was prepared with the orientation of agrarian revolutionary movement. 

Accordingly,Comrade T.N.moved the landless peasant of 28 villages in Ananthapur district to occupy the banjar lands which were in the hands of landlords for the last 30 years.

Com.T.N.personally led the movement. All the 3000 acres of land were distributed to the peasants.

In line with the immediate programme , the Communist revolutionaries led movements in Kurnool, West Godavri and East Godavri districts to occupy forest banjars and lands undr occupation of landlords.

After the government foisted the conspiracy case basing on the documents of Atlapragada Plenum in 1969.Com.T.N. took it as his political and moral responsibility to defend and own up the “immediate programme”.

As one of the accused in the Hyderabad conspiracy case, he categorically stated in court that it is“impossible to implement land reforms by democratic methods without an armed revolution.

It is sheer deceit to say that feudalism can be rooted out without giving a call or revolutionary practice.”It is inevitable that the masses would overthrow the ruling classes by means of class struggle and peoples armed revolution.”

In 1969 Comrade T.N resigned from the Assembly making a historic speech. 

Shortly after T.N. resigned from the assembly, the state plenum of the Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries was held /A Document titled ‘Immediate Programme ‘was prepared which threw light on the agrarian revolutionary movement. Com T.N organized the landless peasants of 28 villages to occupy the banjar lands which wee in the hands of the landlords for the last 30 years . All the 3000 acres of land were distributed to the landless peasants. 

On similar lines, Communist Revolutionaries led movements in Kurnool,West Godavri and East Godavri districts to occupy forest banjars and lands under occupation of landlords.

T.N took great pains to defend the importance of building a revolutionary movement in the countryside with the agrarian question being the focal question in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. He resolutely defended the programme of Peoples Democratic Revolution and Peoples War.

In the course of Struggle Comrade T.N and his comrades were arrested. 
A conspiracy case was launched on T.N based on the documents of the Atlapragada Plenum I 1969. In Hyderabad a conspiracy case was foisted on him and in court he staunchly defended himself by stating” It is impossible to implement land reform sby democratic methods without an armed revoluton. It is sheer deceit to say that feudalism can be rooted out without giving a call to revolutionary practice. It is inevitable that the masses would overthrow the ruling classes by mean of class struggle and armed revolution.’

In the cross Examination he exposed the landlords, police officers and corrupt elements.

It was a virtual repeat of Comrade Dimitrov in the Reichstag fire case and the Indian Communists in the Kanpur and Meerut Conspiracy cases.

In 1972 Comrade T.N.was detained under the Preventive detention act during the movement for separate Andhra.

In May 1972 T.N was granted bail. The veteran comrade plunged into the movement, opposing the governments policy of suppression against revolutionaries, killings and fake encounters of activists in the Srikakulam movement and illegal detention in concentration camps and emphasized the need of a democratic Rights Movement.

He toured the Girijan areas of Srikakulam District with painstaking attention and gave morale support to all oppressed sections. His political campaign boosted the morale of the masses .The civil and democratic rights Movement also gained momentum. Com.T.N professed that all types of forces could be united against oppression on girijan and peasant masses, against encounters and for release of revolutionaries .A campaign for Defence Committee for the accused in the Parvathipuram Conspiracy Case.

From 1969-1972 Comrade T.N was arrested under the preventive detention act .
Comrade T.N .and Comrade D.V Were the architecst of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India. From 1975 he was editor of the party organ ‘Spark’and organized legal party struggles and meetings.

Comrade TN took the responsibility of guiding the Andhra Pradesh State Committee .He maintained a close link with the State Committee 

He:

1.focussed on the task of political and organizational work of cadre at various levels
2.helped the SC in assessing the changed situation and in working out an organizational mechanismand method of work necessary to protect the organization and carry on work of the peole uninterrupted even in the condition sof emergency.
3.tried to develop proper committee functioning within the state Committee
4. strssed emphasis on building a proper students ,ovement.
5.closely studied the problem sof the comrades in Kondamudalu.
6 guided the proper path to dealing with the 20 point political programme.

The Commmunist revolutionaries in Andhra on the one hand tried to retain the organization and carry on their activities and on the other hand, used the courts to carry on the political fight aginst the ruling classes and to propogate the revolutionary politics.

Though the leadership was convicted in the conspiracy case ,they came out on bail.It opened up opportunities for open activity.A legal defence committee was organized by Comrade T.N.It not only organized legal defence for the comrades implicated in the Parvathipuram Conspiracy case,but also carried on an extensive campaign in defence of the Srikakulam Movement.

Co.T.N.extensively toured the agency of Sriakakulam as part of the move to rouse the people’s movement and revive the movement.A statewide and powerful democratic Rights movement had come up with the ireless efforts made by the Communist Revolutionaries.

Meticulously he studied various experiences and analyzed that it was not possible for he revolutionaries to come under a single committee and several problems would arise. 

In April 1975 the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries was formed. Since his release and during the emergency Comrade T.N and Comrade D .Vworked tirelessly for democratic rights, for legal defence of revolutionaries and rebuilding the movements in the peasants, youth, workers ,literary and cultural fronts and training revolutionary cadres. few months before the imposition of emergency ,he warned in meeting of cadres about the possibility of imposti of emergency and explained people about how to build organizational forms of struggle.

He encouraged he cadres to expose the ruling classes through leaflets on every problem and to gain skills to distribute them in any form of repression. The A P State committee made extensive propaganda under his guidance and circulated secret papers.T.N condemned the Congress leaders for their support of Sanjay Gandhi when he toured Andhra Pradesh. He published a leaflet exposing this. During the emergency, the Govt decided to build a heavy engineering plant at Vijayawada and collect levy from peasants and middle class traders for it’s construction. 

T.N mobilized cadre to oppose these events as it was a part of the move to loot the people in collaboration with Imperialist companies.T.N directed the district organization to take up a programme and the party cadre responded by mobilising the people’s opinion against it.In this period he toured Rajasthan, 
Punjab and West Bengal analyzing the political and economic situation.

In the night of July 26^th,1976 Comrade T.N was taken ill and admitted to Osmani hospitalThe doctors immediately arranged the supply of oxygen to 
Comrade T.N. and after one hour he was put on the respiratory system.

However by July 28^thmorning his health worsened and ultimately he breathed his last between 5.30-6.00.a.m..

When the body of our beloved leader was being carried to his village Tarimela,the police vans blocked the cart and took the body to the government hospital in Anantapur by 10.30 p.m.Mrs Rama,com T.N.’s sister, and her maid servant was there in the car along with the body. 

The driver and the maid servant were taken into custody. The govt prevented the papers from publishing the editorials and life stories on the occasions of COM.Nagi Reddy’s death.

That night the police kept his body in a locked room. However the people enraged like a torrent emerging poured into the hospital and insisted that they should see the body. At first the police relented but ultimately they bowed down to the people..

For the funeral procession 30,000 people thronged and the atmosphere was reminiscent of a huge red flame being lit. The intensity of the expressions of the common people was indescribable.It literally appeared like a red flame was reverberating in the hearts of the masses

Since TN had gone underground his family was subjected to prolonged harassment. They seized the property sold by Com T.N.and his wife .

When the news of Com.Nagi Redy’ s p[assing away spraed,the revolutionaries who were in Vishaka central jail in connection with the trail of Parvatipuram conspiracy case held acondolence meetingCondolence meetings were also held by those who were locked in spate blocks in Vizag jail under M.I.S.A.a nd those in Rajahmundry,Chanchalguda,Musherabad and Nellore jails.

In serious repressive conditions,various committees ,units and sympathizers of the UCCRI(M.L.) held secret meetings in several places of the state.

Com.Kanu Sanyal had stated”Earlier,when we had adopted many wrong political and ideological positions and as a result we had accused serious losses The Andhra comrades have carried on the political and ideological struggle with much patience and perseverance, especially ,Com.Nagi Reddy.His demise is an or reparable loss to the Indian Revolutionary movement and the building of a revolutionary party.

Comrade T.N was arrested on numerous occasions

1.1940-for publishing booklet,’economic effects of war’

2.1941:re-arrested on the same grounds from Tiruchirapalli.

3..1946arrested by the Congress government under the Prakasham ordinance act.

4.1951-detained before 1^stgeneral elections

5.1955-arrested in mid-term elections for defiance of section 144

6.Arrested under defence of India rules

7.1964arrested again under defense of India rules

8.Arrested under preventive detention act.

9.1969 again arrested inder preventive detention act

10.arrested on Dec 19^thunder rigorous conditions from Dec 19th 1969 to May 1972.

2. Tarimela Nagi Reddy’s struggle in the Naxalbari era-.

In 1967 a historic peasant Struggle took place on Maoist Lines. This was known as the Naxalbari armed Struggle. It had it’s origin in the Struggle of Tea Plantation Workers in Siliguri in West Bengal.In 1964 the Communist Party of India Split and the Communist Party of India Marxist was Formed. However within the party a set of Comrades upheld the Cultural Revolution in China and opposed parliamentarism of their leadership group called the All India Co-Ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries was formed led by Comrade Charu Mazumdar was formed.An Organ liberation was brought out and the body discussed how to link revolutionary peasant Struggles.Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse Tung Thought was upheld as the Marxisnm Leninism of the Era.A resolution was made advocating the building of armed Struggle all over the Country.

In The Co-ordination Committee however a powerful tendency developed to behave in a big brotherly fashion to other Comrades. The A.I.C.C.R ordered all the comrades of the Communist Party of India Marxist to join them.It acted like an all India Party. Various Comrades all around the Country were demarcating from the Communist Party of India Marxist but had not formally broken away. They were still the equivalent of an embryo in a mother’s stomach and prematurely were told to quit the party. In June 1968 finally the Comrades of the Andhra Pradesh Communist Party of India Marxist left the Party to form the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries.Tarimal Nagi Reddy was made the Convenor .In 1968 November they joined the A.I.C.C.C.R.however shortly later a conflict arose between the A.I.C.C.R and the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee.

The A.I.C.C.R propagated that the Andhra Committee Comrades were revisionists and opposed Armed Struggle.In the Srikakulam region they even directly called for arned actions and recruited comrades without cosulting the Andhra State Committee.

(Taken from Indian Revolutionary Movemnt”Some Lessons and Experience”)
Ultimately the A.I.C.CR.expelled the A.P.C.C.R from the Party.The reasons were on difference to 3 major Questions

1.) The role of the Chinese Party.The A.I.C.C.R felt that the Chinese party was the absolute leader and called Mao the Chairman of the Indian party.They used the phrase, “China’s Chairman is our Chairman”

2.) That the Andhra Committee Comrades were making no attempts to intensify the peasant Struggle in the Srikakulam Region of Andhra Pradesh.

3.) . On the Question of Elections. The A.I.C.C.R felt that the path of active Boycott was a strategic path for the Indian Revolution and opposed the use of participation of parliamentary Elections as a tactical mean throughout the revolutionary period. They opposed the Andhra Committee Comrades who stated that in appropriate Situations as an extra-parliamentary tactic participation in the Election could be deployed as a tactic.Comrade Nagi Reddy was condemned for not resigning from the State Assembly.

4The Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.M.L considered the whole section of the bourgeoise as Comprador by natute and failed to recognise the progressive nature of the national bourgeoisie who can be part of the united Front against 
the Enemy like In China before the Revolutin i 1949.

Several Armed actions were advocated by the A.I.C.CR with no relationship to the level of the Peoples movement.Charu Mazumdar advocated the line of,“Individual Annihilation of the Class Enemy”.A major 2 line Struggle took place within the A.I.C.CR and the Andhra Pradesh Committee Comrades led by Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao and Tarimala Nagi Reddy.Comrade D.V believed that elections could never be used as a tactic unlike Comrade Nagi Reddy.The A.I.C.C.R comrades claimed that Srikakulam was already a liberated base area. Naxalbari was a mass based peasant Struggle where in the village of Naxalbari the peasant`s seized land from the Jotedars.
(Landlords) Unfortunately due to Charu Mazumdar`s line of abandoning mass organization and carrying out Individual Annihilation of class Enemies the movement degenerated into one of armed Squad Actions isolated from the People`s movements.

Their understanding of Mao’s theory of protracted Peoples war was distorted. Comrade Charu Mazumdar called for the abandonment of trade Unions and mass organizations.

Instead of applying the revolutionary mass line and developing mass revolutionary Struggles individual terrorist Armed action s replaced them. Armed Squads killed landlords and attacked police Stations without the mass support of the broad masses.

They were popular amongst the peasant masses but prevented the broad masses from building their own institutions or revolutionary democratic power. In the Chinese revolutionary Armed Struggle Armed squads supplemented the mass movements of people and did not substitute them.

On April 22nd 1969 Charu Mazumdar formed the Communist Party of India Marxist Leninist. Today historically major quarters of the Indian Revolutionary Camp uphold it but it is a debatable question whether the formation of the party should have been deferred.Some Intellectuals like Manoranjan Mohanty or Sumanta Banerjee upheld the formation.

However others like Mohan Ram opposed it saying that the Party was imposed from above and not formed from below./Apart from the Andhra Pradesh Comrades a formation called the Dakshin Desh Group opertating in Begal and Bihar opposed the formation of the Party. They believed that base areas had not been sufficiently developed.

In their view class struggle had not been sufficiently developed and that overemphasis was given to military armed actions. However they felt that th the individual annihilation of class enemy could be used as a tactic. This organization went on to call itself the Maoist Communist Centre.It is significant that Comrdae Soren Bose,a central Committee member of the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.M.L visted China in 1970 and met Premier Chou En-Lai.The Premier himself stated that the policies of Annihilation were wrong and it was wrong to copy the Chinese Experience in toto.and call Chairman Mao Chairman of India’s party. Comrade Chou elaborated how the C.C.P combated left adventurism. He also stated that it was wrong to call the whole class of the bourgeoisie as comprador as the National bourgeoisie can be an ally.

Historically the Charu Mazumdar line failed.Charu was tortured to death by the Indian State on July 28th 1972.By 1975 his movement was totally defeated. Thousands of cadres were killed in false encounters or thrown into jail. There were various splits within the Charu Mazumdar C.PI.M.L.

One was because of the Mahadev Mukherjee faction which upheld Lin Biao the leader who attemped to assassinate Mao. Historically later some revolutionary quarters held Lin Biao responsible for the annihilation line. Lin had advocated that it was the era of“Total collapse of Imperialism and victory of Peoples War”.

One theory is that it was Lin Biaoism which led to Charu’s line of secreat assassination and abandonment of mass organizations and mass struggle.In Punjab the group that followed the Charu Mazumdar line made a self criticism and formed the Central Organising Committee of C.P.I.M.L.This Group was led by Jagjit Singh Johal In Punjab hundreds of Naxalite supporters were killed in false encounters or thrown into jail and tortured.



The turning point I Andhra Pradesh was the rejection of the C.P.M’s central committee ideological draft by a majority vote. The Communist Revolutionaries organized the ideological debate utilisng certain advantageous conditions. The State plenum adopted a detailed resolution with 158/231 supporting it.Comrade T.N and Chandra Pulla Reddy were the architects of the resolution.The C.P.M leadership earlier evaded the ideological debate in 1964 at the same time there were various points of view reflected in the 1964 Calcutta Congress.

In June 1966 they presented a note to the C.C but later discouraged this by allowing the state committees to publish only’the authoritative pronouncements of fraternal parties./’The 1967 documents of the C.P.M adopted neo-revisionist postions.

The C.R’s of A.P. organized themselves into a secret organization by March 1968.They organized similar committees below. Which conducted the anti neo-revisionst struggle,o rganizationally consolidating the forces that rallied with the revolutionary politics and guiding the peoples movement with the aim of revolution.

However the internal struggle against neo revisionism at the all –India level lacked any co-ordination and centralized leadership. There were several different types of approaches.


On November 13th 1967,under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar the All India Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries of India was
formed.

They professed

a.develop and co-ordinate militant struggles at all levels ,especially peasant struggles of Naxalbari Type

b.develop militant struggles of the working class

c.wage ideological struggle against revisionism and popularize Mao Tes TungThought.d.To develop a revolutionary programme.ona correct tactical line.



On May 14th 1968 the A.I.C.C.R came out with a declaration claiming that all those revolutionaries still in the C.P.M must be disqualified from consideration, and all those who still think there is scope for inter-party struggle must be condemned. Interestingly the organ Liberation refuted this stating that avenues had to be allowed for differences and that it was premature to rule out such comrades.

Interestingly, although from the beginning,the AI.C.C.R.leadership showed trends of left adventurism,the Andhra Comrades under the banner of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee met them and even joined them.This took place in November 1968.Earlier in June 1968 the CR’s of A.P formally broke away.comrade T.N was the convenor.

In August of that year the A.I C.C R had formed a Naxalbari Solidarity Committee and wee carrying a slanderous campaign against the A.P.C.C.C.R.,propogating that the Andhra Comrades were revisionsists.



In the final analysis 3 major differences came out.



a.the left adventurist A.I.C.C.R. line viewed the struggle against neo revisionism as a task of only organizing the top leaders or the most advanced elements of the C.P.M.The A.P.C.C.C.R felt thee was need of organizing the entire party ranks.



b.The A.I.C.C.C.R negated the mass line and exhibited romantic and petit bourgeois tendencies when they propogated armed struggle with no relation to the people’s consciousness.The concept of ‘annihilation of the class enemies’was
propogated.

The A.P.C.C.C.R stressed that a mass agrarian revolutionary Movement should be built up propagating the concept of agrarian revolution and relating it to the land question. They also stressed on implementing the mass revolutionary line of the Telengana Armed Struggle.

It also questioned AI.C.C.C.R’s understanding of the area of Srikakulam becoming a liberated base area. Encircled by a well–knit transport and communication system thee was a long way to develop it into a liberated base area. Simultaneously they propagated that there were vast potential areas where armed struggle could be developed. and a strategic planning was required.



c. A.P.C.C.C.R propagated the need of building necessary forms of struggle and organization.and the need to combine mass form sof struggle with armed struggle.The A.I.C.C.C.R.totally neglected this aspect.



d. A.P.C.C.C.R opposed the line of ‘Boycott of parliamentary Elections’ as a strategic path.’ Elections was a question of tactics and one of the several llegal forms of struggle. In an Interview with Blitz Comrade T.N stated

 ‘Revolutionaries take part in the elections and legislative bodies to expose their fraudulent character and convince the masses of the revolutionary path.T.N told Swedish Journalists ‘WE can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on’. Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization. To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party’s machinery in a parliamentary way . The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.That is the greatest difficulty.”If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, even if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation’s work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.

After the break fro the C.P.M. the A.P.C.C.R sent cadre and leadership to the forest area of Andhra Pradesh in Khammam, Warangal, Karimnagar, and East Godavri districts. Although people were being organized in mass struggles on economic demands in Khammam, Warangal and Karimnagar areas,in other areas activity was still at the level of propoganda.In Eat Godavri area particularly god work was done. However ,overall,there was a long tortuous road ahead in developing a consistent and extensive agrarian revolutionary Movement.

The Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries stood in the forefront of combating left opportunism. These were the main differences between them and the Srikakula District Committee(D.C.) which follwed Charu Mazumdar and the A.I.C.C.C.R
.
a. The first one was over the question of carrying out armed struggle with relation to land.The district Committee believed that mass land struggle was not needed .



b. Secondly the D.C belived that actions of armed squads would mobilize the broad masses.
c .Thirdly,the D.C rejected the idea of of advanced training in guerilla war and proposed that in he course of battle all warfare would be learnt.



d.Fourthly the D.C believed that only armed struggle was necessary.



Comrade T.N in an interview explained 3 important points



a..That Armed Struggle starts only as resistance to landlord goondas and govt.repression This resistance will be in the form of peoples mass resistance. However the C.P.I.M.L rejected this and resorted to isolated squad actions.



b.In T.N’s view Peoples War starts only as a form of resistance ,not as an offensiveTHe C.P.I.M.L opposed this .

c. Comrade T.N advocated the use of various forms of struggle in accordance with the prevailing conditions.The C.P.I.M.L rejected this and only gave emphasis to armed struggle.



By 1969 an agrarian revolutionary movement had developed ina small pocket of Kondamodalu agency area of East Godavri District under the leadership of the A.P.C.C.R.T he vast masses of the Girijans were drawn with the perspective of the mass revolutionary line. Comrades made a systematic study of the condition’s of people’s life and the forms of exploitation and oppression Extensive political propaganda was carried out against the moneylenders,forest officials,forest contractors,landlords and officials. People were organized on the basis of partial issues. To land issues. People were organized into various organizations like the girijan Sangham, Mahila Sangham, youth Organisation Etc. Earlier Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy had insisted on armed struggle for self-defence and disagreed with Comrades T.N and D.V.He felt that the enemy would not be quiet until the people consciously realize the need of adopting he form of armed struggle.’ Armed Struggle for self-defence can be started by armed squads only formed by the party cadre .He formulated that’The peasant masses could only come forward to seize thel and of the landlords after they gain the confidence in the military strength of the armed squads. Subsequently Chandra Pulla Reddy left the AP.Committee and formed his own group.the A.P.C.C.R.was now under the leadership of Comrade T.N and Comrade D.V.(Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao)





The C.P.M leadership vociferously came down upon he Naxalbari Srikakulam and Telengana Movements and were spectators when landlords launched attacks. In a series of interviews to interviews in Blitz I 15th May1968 and to Swedish journalists on 16th March 1969 he explained the reason sf or the splits in the communist Movement. 

He said, “If we had been carrying out the working class Struggles in it’s revolutionary form during these 16 years, we could probably have also used parliament, even while an agrarian revolution was going on in some places. We can go in go armed struggle in a relatively large area and still sit in parliament in other areas where no armed struggle was going on.

This would combine parliamentary and extra-parliamentary struggle. ”T.N stressed on the need of combining various forms of struggle keeping in view the unevenness in political and economic spheres, consciousness of people and level of movement in India’s vast semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. T.N .
continued” 

We will enter the assemblies to expose them, but not join any coalition govt.”He stressed on the need for building a mass agrarian revolutionary movement and completing the 
People’s Democratic Revolution.”

Within a year of it’s formation problems began to occur in the Unity Centre. Those with different political understanding’s and orientations merged so the old understanding’s were reflected and differences arose. Comrade T.N did the utmost to combat this and solve the inner-political isues democratically. One resolution, “One year Emergency and situation” was adopted by the C.C in May 1976 and other decisions on the matters of functioning, the spirit of resolving the problems had emerged.



The contradictions of the ruling classes had reached a bursting point. The J.P. Movement was consolidating itself in all parts of India which affected the stability of the ruling Congress party. Various political groups were mobilized under one political mainstream under the J.P.leadership. Inner cracks were taking place within the ruling Congress party..The Allahabad judgement and the defeat of the Congress in Gujarat seemed to have pushed all the disgruntled groups into one mainstream. The cabinet showed inner cracks.

1. The contention between the superpowers was growing. South Asia became the cockpit of struggles between the 2 superpowers. 

India’s actions in Bangladesh and Sikkim helped the expansionist policies of Soviet expansionism. 

2. The revisionist parties were supporting every repressive act. (The C.P.I.supported the emergency.) They gave up their programme of land reform. They supported the anti-strike policies of the Congress. The working class was blamed by them for the failure of living upto production targets. They projected themselves as progressives while in reality they supported the states actions trampling peoples civil liberties and democratic rights. In trade Union struggles they supported the management. Parliamentary Congressism without an anti-imperialist ,anti-feudal programme led to sections of Communist revolutionaries into following the revisionists. 

3. The aid that was being offered by the world bank was causing havoc. particularly in the rural areas. India would now become a greater debtor. The creation of anti -imperialist nationalism on every front was needed .The 20 point programme of the Congress did not have a single imperialist task. 

4. The landlord classes had greatly strengthened. A lot of the landlord classes had diversified their economy into various other fields such as trade, small factories as rice mills, Groundnut factories, cinema theatres, contractors and so on. In such a situation if their lands are not touched ,then the question of land distribution becomes a farce.Temple lands were the best example of this.These lands were sold in auction -landed property to be turned into monetary property. For the agrarian revolution concretized local slogans had to be given along with general slogans. The reactionary theory of forming land committees must be exposed .This was the equivalent of the landlords being asked to distribute their own lands.

5 Every point of the ruling class 20 point progamme should be refuted. The policy of accepting imperialist capital had to be exposed tooth and nail. With increased foreign aid ,the drain on foreign exchange in all dimensional forms -legal and illegal was the fundamental problem. With increased attacks on smugglers the government had liberalised imports on the falicious plea of export promotion.-primarily to finance import of goods which go into current consumption as a price stabilising operation.The tendency of the beneficiaries will be to import items which cater to elitist demand and maximise their profits regardless of the aims of the national economy, thereby liberalizing to an extent legal and semi-legal smuggling in the interests of the organised sector of the economy.. The world bank had been insisting on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports. Illegal smuggling was now replaced by legal smuggling. The world bank had insisted on liberalised imports as an incentive to exports.

A massive firing had taken place on so -called corrupt an inefficient officers. The Ayub Khan Govt. which carried this out was a most corrupt regime. He carried out actions to divert the people. The manipulations of multi-national companies was a great example of corruption which in India had reached in every strata of society from the administrative machinery to the lowest level village cadre.A new cadre of corrupt backward caste youth was created. This corruption would be a great obstacle to the movement. This feature should be studied from the village level. 

6.There was great singleness of purpose in the U.C.C.R.I.The adventurism of Charu Mazumdar,the disruptionist of the Chandra Pulla Reddy group,and the class-collaborationist policies of the Jayaprakash group was consistently refuted. 

The recognition of Charu Mazumdars C.P.I.M.L.by China caused problems initially but that problem had been overcome. Nagi Reddy 's contribution to the formulation, development and defence of the communist revolutionary line are invaluable in an era where pragmatism in political conduct and cynicism in attitude are affecting the rank and file of revolutionary groups. Comrade T.N always had an integral political -ideological concept and excelled in practicing it.

A revolutionary journal evaluating his contribution stated, 'In analysing any political development or situation, sticking to the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism, proceeding from the current development of and interrelation between fundamental contradictions, ascertaining the particular form of conduct of different political forces in relation to them, ascertaining the actual state of affairs of the revolutionary forces and working out not only practical tasks but also the concrete form of revolutionary activity in relation with them.,all this he did in a manner that not only corresponded to the long-term interests of the revolution but was identifiable with the long-term interests of the movement and it's strategic goal.'
.
Comrade T.N was an uncompromising crusader against revisionism and as well as right and left opportunism fought against the personality cult and personal vilifications and mantained discipline, sacrifice, responsibility ,patience, courage and humility throughout his life.



The virtues of Comrade T.N belonged to future generations of revolutionaries who inherited his legacy. The great Comrade Tarimala Nagi Reddy made a historic contribution by demarcating from the wrong trends and till today has made the greatest contribution towards the building of the mass line His method of work reminded the author of the painstaking efforts made by Comrades of the Chinese Communist Party to develop work in the masses. However Only after the proletarian party has been re-organised,mass protracted peoples War started or the revolution completed can Nagi Reddy’s true contribution be judged. The other important factor is whether he adopted the correct Unity approach with other revolutionary Sections, particularly those who struggled for the mass line within the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.M.L .

He wrote a glorious chapter in the Communist Movement.

Quoting this great Comrade, “It is no wonder that after 25 years of th so called Independence that I have been arrested under an act promulagated in the year 1860-more than 100 years ago. How and why did it happen? that the so-called non –violent revolution led by the Indian National Congress under the direct management of the Mahatama capitulated India not into a living epoch of progress but into a dead epoc of stagnation with all the old laws old henchmen and names. Whatevever the outward changes in political control nothing essential has changed in our social set up. Imperialist Exploitation, and feudal Exploitation and violence in the rural area has reached a new intensity..
Is it not fantastic that me and my colleagues are being charged with conspiracy to change this demeaning state of affairs? Is it not fantastic that those who have sold the countrys’ resources lock stock and barrel for ten sofyears to come to foreign financial interests charge us as traitors? Any citizen with a grain of patriotism in him, should by nature revolt against sucha degrading state of affairs to ressurect the great glory of the Indian People and the Nation.””We are in the period of Revoluttionary Upheavals in India.

On the basis of Mao Tse Tung Thought, on the guidelines of the peoples war,the revolutionary spark from Naxalbari spread fast and wide and engulfed area of Srikakulam, Khammam,Warangal and East Godavari. The masses were roused for land in Ananthapur and Kurnool.Apart from the vast armed struggles of Parvathipuram,and parts of Khammam and Warangal in Andhra ,there have been peasant armed struggles in areas in Bihar and West Bengal. 

Vast Revolutionary Experiences have been gathered.

In Com T.N’view:The Srikakulam actions will not lead to armed struggle as without a people’s demand being focused and people being organized to get those demands implemented by their own action s,mere actions by squads divert the attention of the people on the issues on which they should fight.

In the plain areas there is neither a peoples movement nor peole’s paarticipationwhich can sustain actions to develop a peoples movement.

On the armed raids Comrade T.N.felt the masses were participating in them which was commendable.It could abe argued that armed struggle had begun.

However this is not correct 
\
The purposeful great debate amongst the revolutionaries for the principled evaluation of successes and failures, on the basis of experiences of revolutions te world over and on the basis of our own struggles will certainly unite the revolutionary forces in the long run.

India is a vast continent of various nationalities Objective and subjective conditions are not the same all over the Country.

With flexible tactics and adoption of various formsof Struggles,with the peasant armed revolution as the main struggle I am confident that the Indian Peoples 
Democratic Revolution is on the Road to success.”

Below are some important points compiled from the 1970 document of the Andhra Pradesh Co-oordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries(A.P.C.C.C.R.)

1.The Peoples revolutionary armed struggle is not itself the guerilla warfare.

:Even if armed struggle is the main form of struggle in the country.In the vast areas, where due to uneven development of the revolutionary movement ,the revolutionary movement has not yet taken the form of armed struggle ,other forms of struggle should be adopted and they should be co-ordinated with armed struggle. The armed struggle that the people carry on against the ruling classes is by itself an offensive struggle.Yet,when compared to the armed forces of the ruling classes ,the numbers,arms as well as skill of the people’s guerilla forces would not only be inferior but would continue to remain so for a long time. In this period we have to advance the revolution defending our guerilla areas and raise the slogan of self-defense for the revolutionaries. Without the slogan of self defense the broad masses would never be mobilized to overthrow the ruling classes.

2.Armed Struggle:The main form of Struggle

The C.P.I.(M.L.) failed to launch a mass movement or understand it’s importance.

Wherever the poeasnt struggle has not reached the stage of armed struggle,the peasnt struggle should be carried on there adopting the form of armed struggle.

Wherever the revolutionary peasant movement has reached the stage of armed struggle, the peasant struggle should be carrie3d on there adopting the form of armed struggle.

Appropriate form sof mass struggles have to be combined with the armed struggles.

3.Importance of slogan of defence.

The peoples armed struggle would begin with the defense of the revolutionary movement, the revolutionary gains,the revolutionary organization etc,from the attack s of the armed forces of the ruling classes. But in the primary stage, the strength and skill of the armed forces of the ruling classes would be many times greater than that of the armed forces organized by the people.The form of armed struggle adopted by the people at this stage is the guerilla warfare.As the people’s armed forces grow in number,and the strength of arms and skill at a certain stage become favourable to the revolutionary masses,armed struggle would reach a higher stateg.Then the armed struggle would take the form of mobile warfare and later the form of positional warfare.

4..Co-ordination between struggle areas and other areas

Our cadre is working in the areas of armed struggle as well as other areas.The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)which is not adopting any other form of struggle excepting the armed struggle does not have an understanding of the tasks that should be carried in these areas. In these areas ,our cadre should carry on extensive propoganada among the masses of peole of our programme,the betrayal of the revisionists and the necessity to prepare for armed struggle.Masses should be mobilized into struggles on political and economic demands wherever,whenever and on whatever issue there is preparedness among themThrough these struggles,they should mobilize the masses to take up the form of armed struggle.


Today our cities are the centres of Imperialism, big bourgeoisie and rich classes.It is in these cities that the government machinery as well as the armed forces of the ruling classes are concentrated
However the working class,students and middle class are concentrated in the cities.These classes would march in the fore-front of anti-imperialist struggles.


The leadership of the C.P.I(M.L) has no programme whatsoever for fulfilling this task.They direct studenst and youth to go to the villages and integrate themselves with the peasantry.This leadership have performed anarchist actions like throwing bomb son schools colleges and primary health c entres etc.Such actions would not be useful to mobilize the discontented masses into the revolutionary mass struggle.They would not be a support to the rural peasnt struggle

Militatnt workers and students should be sent to the areas of armed struggle.


Although there is a revolutionary situation in India,the guerilla warfare takes a tortuous path of development owing to the uneven development of the revolutionary movement,the disunity among the revolutionary ranks and the ability of the ruling classes to concentrate large numbers of their armed forces against the gueriilla warfare.Only when we have a correct and realistic assessment ,woulkd we be in apposition tp prepare ourselvesand overcome these difficulties.

If we have to fulfil the main tasks which should be fulfilled in order to succesfuly carry on armed struggle for achieving the people’s democratic Revolution,we should base ourselves on this kind of base areas.Base areas cannot be established by conducting sporadic raids hee and there.Mao called this tendency”roving rebels.”Mao said the guerilla forces would begin to build the base areas only when a struggle is carried on against this tendency and is rooted out from among the guerilla forces.
In the beginning,these armed forces would only be in the form of guerilla squadsAs the struggle gets intensified ,the guerilla squads grow increasing in the number.We should gradually buil;d the regular army.Thus we would be in a position to establish base area only when we could build th armed force s capable of defeating the army in the area.This task cannot be fulfilled by forming a few squads with afew people drawn from the petty-bourgeoisie,the poor and landless peasant classes.


The second condition is that the peoples armed forces ,should with the support of the masses ,be capable of defeating the enemy.

This means defeating the enemy’s armed forces but not annihilationof class enemiesThis would become possible only when the majorty of the enemy’s armed forces attacki ng the guerilla forces are annhilated.

The third condition is the rousing of masses into the struggle.The mass organizations should be built in the course of the struggle.In our country, where a regular army is not present ,the revolutionaries should build the base areas by building the guerilla armies through peoples struggles,in that mainly the peasnt struggles by building the revolutionary mass organizations ,by rousing the masses through revolutionary programme and by defeating the enemy’s armed forces.

5.The Importance of terrain:

The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) concluded that there was no need for a favourable terrain,mass movement,mass organization .etc. Our task would not be over merely with launching the guerilla warfare.It should be able to sustain and develop over a long period of time and be useful to build the base areas which is our strategic aim.WE have to select the areas which are politicallu,economically and socialy weak.Hillsmforests and plains without roads arte such areas.

6.Need of the mass Movement:

There is hardly any emphasis on the mass movementThea nihilation of class enemies is the only aim..Masse shave to be mobilized into revolutionary strugglesto make them realize the need for armed struggles.The revolutionary Girijan movement was already prevalent in Srikakulam before the armed struggle was launched.

7. Agrarian revolutionary progamme:Without building of agrarian revolutionary programme a revolutionary peasant movement is not possible.The feudal system will be abolished only after the establishment of the peoples democratic government.Distribtion of landlords land is the main iem of the agrarian revolutionary programme.Thus the question of land as a revolutionary demand would have oimmense importance in the agrarian revolution.Only by implementing the agrarian revolutionary programme would we be able to mobilize peasnt masses into armed struggle.

8.Party organization;revolutionary mass movement :

The C.P.I.(M.L.) makes no use of legal opportunities.A pary has to be kept secret but open struggles have to be carried out.Class enemies hould be tried in peoples courts with arevolutionary mass movement and not simply annihilated by armed squads.Thee is a defect in the technique where they remain as mere groups acrryiong out limited propaganda.


9.The Revolutionary peasnt movement is the foundation for the revolutionary mass movements:The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.)do not believe in revolutionary mass movements or mobilizing the masses on partial economic demands.Only when the revolutionary movement reaches the higher stage,it would take the form of armed struggle.


10.Extension of the Revolutionary Movement.

The leadership of the C.P.I(M.L.)does not recognize the necessity of revolutionary movement as well as the necessity of extending it to new areas of launching armed struggle.On the contrary,they think that the extension of the programme of annihilation of the class enemy itself is the extension of the armed struggle.

The peasant movement should not be confined to any one area.Our organizational strength would also grow while building the revolutionary movement in an area

If the peasnt movement is expanded and the armed struggle is launched in the vast areas ,the guerillas could in the face of the enemy’s attacks escape from one area to another and resist the enemy armed forces.


Once an armed struggle is launched,it should never be confined to any single area.It should be continuously extended to new and adjacent areas.


11India is divided into several nationalities.

However we do not support the C.P.I.(M.L.)’s demand of a seperrate Telengana state.,which matches the separate Telengana movement with the Telengana peasnt armed struggle.

They are hiding the fact that peasants and workers of Telengana have not participated in the revolt.
True,the peole in some towns fought heroically facing even the bullets from the police.


The peasants and workers have not participated in the separate Telengana movement.They remained neutral.Without the overthrow of the ruling class the “Peoples Raj’ in Telengana is inconceivable.

12.The Revolutionary Authority of the party is established only when correct leadership is provided toi the revolution.The leadership of the C.P.I.(M.L.) has failed in leading They are still trying to establish their’revolutionary authority.” The Naxalbari armed struggle.They have also failed in Srikakulam.

13..Rejecting the role of th negated the historic role of the Telengana armed struggle.e Telengana armed Struggle-The C.P.I.(M.L) led by Charu Mazumdar . In1946 a red Letter was written in the history of the Indian Communist Movement. This event was the Telengana Armed Struggle led by the Andhra Pradesh Unit of the Communist Party of India.Thousands of acres of land were redistributed.Mass revolutionary line was practiced. The relationship between the agrarian revolutionary Movement and the armed struggle and formation of the peoples army was established and the issue of armed revolution and the principle of forming a people’s army based in the agrarian mass revolutionary programme and movement. was formulated.

Charu’s C.P.I.(M.L.)stated:Naxlabari represents the first ever application of Mao’s thought on the soil of India.It was in Naxalbari that the peasants for the first time ,launched their struggle for power.For this reason,Naxalbari symbolizes the path of liberation for exploited masses of the Indian peopleThus ushering in a new era in the political history of India.”

The Naxalbari leadership could have avoided the mistakes they made had they correctly grasped the experiences of the Telengana armed struggle.They could have redoubled he organsied strength of the Naxalbari peasants with the distribution of land,establishment of the village Soviets and building of peoples armed forces and be in position to carry on the protracted war.Instead they deny that the Telengana armed struggle relied on Mao’s thought.Inspite of their loud talk on relying on the masses ,they are not in actual fact prepared to undertake the revolutionary mass mobilization.They formulate that the Naxalbari struggle is not a struggle for land but for political power.”

The struggle suffered political defeat, not because of class enemies and the state ,but at the hands of the revisionist policies of the general staff of the C.P.I. 

The C.P.I. leadership withdrew the Struggle and veered it towards the parliamentary path. The foundation for the Struggle was the meticulous mass work carried out between the years 1941-1946 ,similar to the launching of the Chinese peasant armed revolutionary struggle.

In 1948 a historic letter was written in Andhra on 9th July called the Andhra thesis., which highlighted that the Indian revolution would follow the Chinese path of ,of protracted peoples armed struggle with the peasants being the main force. The Indian economy was characterized as semi-colonial and semi-feudal., the peasant question as the core of Indian revolution, and the stage of revolution as ‘New Democratic’.

When the document was written the Telengana Struggle was at it’s peak. The concept of the united front with the middle and rich peasants was advocated. Resistance bases of the Chinese Type were to be formed The guerilla Warfare was deployed to defend the land and the village Soviets. Land was distributed in 3000 villages and the guerilla squads launched significant armed struggle against the Nizam’s army and the Razakars.The police sided with the Razakars and in retaliation the guerilla squads began to attack the police. The police used to attack in the day, while the people would retaliate at night.


View of Comrades T.N Reddy and D.V Rao(on elections)

Compiled From Comrade no 5 December 1989(Organ of C.C.R.I)

There can be 3 tactics deployed in The elections. Either you adopt the tactic of ' active boycott' or that of participation.,or that of 'active political campaign.'In all cases the political campaign should consist of a.exposing the uselessness of he presnt parliamentary institutions.

b. explaining the impossibility of achieving political liberty and social emancipation by parliamentary methods and

c .Explaining the necessity of armed Struggle in the form of protracted Peoples War centered around the agrarian question and of establishing he organs of peoples power,i.e of peoples democracy. The crucial aspects should be made are to the people by integrating them with examples of the pat and present experiences and by concrete exposure of the deception of he ruling classes, their institutions and political parties.

The only difference I his regard of implementing the basic tactics are the slogans of action they give an he pace which with theory work. Slogans of action have to be allotted in accordance to level of revolutionary movement at a given time.

Boycott is a higher form of struggle which is associated with imminent direct revolutionary action of the masses against the state and with setting up of organs of political power . For this,the party of the proletariat should have established it's leadership over the revolutionary movement and prepared itself, politically and organizationally ,to lead the people's armed struggle along with setting up suitable organs of political; power. Without this the boycott slogan will become meaningless, and futile as far as the realization of it's full revolutionary potential is concerned. It will lead to cynical attitudes amongst the people.

On the other hand for adopting the revolutionary utilisation of participation in election as legal form of Struggle, the emergence of revolutionary democratic elements is a necessity. It need a proletarian party organization to train and control a cadre team for his specialized activity, to organise a legal front without liquidating the illegal party structure, and to link and co-ordinate the activities of its members in these institutions with the direct revolutionary struggles of the people.Othrwise it will blunt the class–consciousness of the people, blur he political demarcation between the party of the proletariat and the ruling class political parties and will be a weapon in the hands of the ruling class forces to defeat he proletarian vanguard.

At present a unified, effective and influential party is lacking Comunist revolutionaries are only in the formative stage-in the sage of re-organisatin. In most areas ,any Communist Revolutionary Organisation is yet to establish it's identity,I the field of organization and mass -political influence.The level of political consciousness and organization of the people is lagging behind their actual practice of struggle or the objective potential for evolutionary struggle.F or asimilar reason,the emergence and development of revolutionary democratic elements is delayed .It is because of this situation that he present acute political crisis is not being converted into a revolutionary crisis. A general mood of distrust of leaderships and cynical indifference to political affairs and developments that a further hurdles are being created..

But or this circumstances the C.R's could have in condition of great turmoil adopted the tactics of 'Active Boycott' and and called upon the revolutionary forces to carry out he agrarian revolutionary programme, conducted armed struggle and set up alternative organs of peoples power. 

In other times ,under adverse political conditions they could have participated in the electins as a tactical ploy.

Toady there are 2 serious deviations. The first one is that of carrying out 'Boycott'tactics without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parallel organs of political power. The second is of using participation tactics without the proletarian party,sufficient mass opolitical influence and other necessary organizational means.It will organizationally lead to liquidationsim and politically to tailism

The only possible campaign is that of 'Active Political Campaign'.They must build mass revolutionary struggles They must urge the people to rely and concentrate on their own struggle movement and organization-building to prepare for direct revolutionary mass action against the ruling classes and their institutions of political power.

In the campaign the Comunist Revolutionaries should analyse the specific features which get manifest in ruling class politics and their manouvres in elections. Eg Warring factions of ruling classes and their political representatives.T he uselessness of parliamentary institutions must be explained as well as parliamentary methods. The political objective of the working class movement and the democratic revolutionary movement led by it should be projected.

The campaign should consist of

A.Contracting the professed programmes of the ruling class parties with their actual practice and with the bitter experience of the peole in regard to their worsening economic conditions.

b. Explaining that the root cause of the economic misery is that of the semi –feudal, semi-political economy and The autocratic state structure , and that without eliminating the root cause there is no hope for meaningful change.

C .Explaining the people to depend o their own organized strength and struggle, and have no illusions of false talk of civil librties .The people must be explained the need o establish their own political power .

d. Pushing the proletariat and other sections to to pursue heir just revolutionary struggles, to build up their respective mass organizations and united Front organizations to be able to raise heir struggles to a higher plane and establish their own rule. Peoples Democracy to be executed through genuine representative institutions of the people-the revolutionary organs of political power.

e. Explaining the road masses the features of he new people's republic that they are fighting for, in the interests of the various revolutionary classes.

In the present day context 2 points are of exceptional importance. The first one is.

a.Exposing the nefarious role of ruling class parties in utilizing communal sectarian divisons among the people, explain the connection between the electoral needs of the party and the lives of the masses and tell the masses about the need to rebuff such dirty manouvresof the ruling class parties.

b.Explaining the people the need to build heir own reliable political instruments. i.e the proletarian party organization,the united Front organization

Nagi Reddy’ s line was followed in Punjab by the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi that revived the mass organisation the Punjab Students Union and built the Naujavan Bharat Sabha ,a popular Youth Organisation.

These organizations represented the broad masses of Punjab .The famous Moga Sangram Rally constituting the Naujavan Bharat Sabha,the Punjab Students Union, the Mould and Steel Workers Union and the Wahikar Union was led by the Punjab C-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries.(P.C.R.C) On October 22nd 1974.An armed demonstration of 20,000 people took place. 

It is of significance that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was earlier a member of the C.P.I.M.L led by Comrade Charu Mazumdar.

On June 20th, 1969 a meeting of Communist revolutionaries was held to discuss the issue of the formation of the party. The 2 questions to be discussed were whether it was justified to form it, and were appropriate methods used? The meeting concluded that the present circumstances were wrong. The party organisation was to be formed from the leadership that emerged from the struggles. It also was the first student organization in Punjab opposing the U.S war in Vietnam in 1974.It led agitations opposing the fee hike in colleges and in solidarity against the struggle if students protesting against bus fare hikes.

The Punjab co-ordination committee issued this press statement "Due to political differences we break our relationship with C.PI.M.L. In Punjab their activities are left adventurist. They oppose the process of people’s protracted war. We do not want to be arrested in self-destructive tendencies."

The Punjab co-ordination committee issued this press statement "Due to political differences we break our relationship with C.PI.M.L. In Punjab their activities are left adventurist. They oppose the process of people’s protracted war. We do not want to be arrested in self-destructive tendencies."

In 1974 the Punjab Co-ordination Committee published a document why they demarcated themselves from Charu Mazumdar’s CPI (ML):1. Since the socio-economic conditions differ and political consciousness varies from place to place, the revolutionary movements have to pass through various stages, and different tactics would have to be used at various places.

2. To ignore open and legal struggles is left adventurism. These will contribute to the development of armed struggle.
3. Annihilation of class enemies leads to the emergence of feelings of hero worship and retards revolutionary initiative.
4. To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism. The working class will have to pass through various phases of struggle.
5. Mass organisations will have to be formed such as peasant, worker and student organisations.
6. Although the rural areas are the main areas of struggle the movement cannot exclude the mass organisations in urban areas.
7. Individual annihilations do not comprise people’s war. The CPI (ML) is too simplistic about it.
8. The CPI (ML) ignores the fact that the People’s democratic revolution will occur under the leadership of the proletariat, particularly the industrial working class.






The A.P.C.C.R made protracted efforts to tread the mass line. While in jail, the leadership concentrated on political and ideological work and wrote documents in criticism of revisionism, left opportunism, left devation within the Party’Right Opportunist trend within the party’ and Fundamental Line and question of Unity” Efforts were made to initiate the mass line and a paper”Proletarian Path’ was brought out together with Comrades from West Bengal.The Andhra Comrades developed relationships with the Srikakulam Comrades (inside jail).A series of steps was planned to develop political and organizational unity.Relations were established with Comrades like Kanu Sanyal and Souren Bose..Talks took place with Comrade Satya Narayan Singh but in no time the Andhra Comrades rejected merging with his organization. The A.P.C.C.C.R preapared draft Programme Path and Constitution for Unity Talks.There were only 4 organisations in the Unity Conference. They were A.P.C.C.R, West Bengal Coordination Committee, North Zone Committee and West Begal Communist Unnity Centre.



In April 1975the birth of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India took place. It was inaugurated by Comrade D.V Rao. The unity conference adopted a resolution on martyrs, programme, path, method of work, constitution and a statement on unification. The unity conference elected a Central Committee with Devullapali Venkateswara Rao (DV) as its secretary. UCCRI(ML) had as its ambition to unite all communist revolutionarty forces, including people within the CPI(ML) fold. UCCRI(ML) started publishing the SPARK as its central organ..
There was a decision on behalf of the Kerala Communist Unity Centre to merge with UCCRI(ML) in June 1975, but that organization suffered interal splits and the merged was cancelled. In July 1976 T. Nagi Reddy, who had been the most important leader of the party, died. His death became a severe set-back for UCCRI(ML).



In August 1976 the same year the organization suffered a split. A conflict had emerged in the CC, and DV had been removed from the post of secretary. DV accused three other CC members (led by a CC member from the NZC) of having formed a "rival centre", and suspended them unilaterally. In the split the Northern Zone Committee (i.e. Rajasthan) and Bengal Committee had broken away, along with the "rival centre". The break-away group later developed a pro-Albanian line.
DV returned to Andhra Pradesh and rallied the Andhra organization around him. DV pushed through a merger of the Punjab Communist Revolutionary Committee with the UCCRI(ML) in June 1976. He resurrected a Central Committee including himself, the PCRC secretary (Harbhajan Sohi) and two leaders from Andhra (Madhu and Anand), which was to function until a regular conference would be held.3.Organisational Decelopments within the U C C R I M.L in the post Nagi Reddy phase.


UCCRI(ML) of DV later evaluted the split in the following way; "From whatever the discussion that had taken place, we can draw some conclusions.
1. Excepting on two issues, there reflected no divergencies in the CC on political positions adopted by Com. DV in the course of whole development.
2. Com. DV viewed the whole course of development like this: 

The NZC and its allies did not accept the line with convictions and genuinity. This was the basic cause for the split. They were manipulators, careerists and doubtful elements. They were incorrigible. Hence the split was unaviodable sooner or later. ..." (Indian Revolutionary Movement: Some Lessons and Experiences. Red Flag Publications, 1989: Vijayawada)

In 1977 a section of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)Left the organization led by Ramalinachari to from the Branches were started in Orissa and Kerala. In 1978 a group from the Debra area of Midnapore, West Bengal joined UCCRI(ML) after some rounds of discussions with the CC. The convenor of the erstwhile Maharashtra State Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (which had left AICCCR after the expulsion of APCCCR) joined UCCRI(ML), leading to the formation of a unit in Maharashtra.
UCCRI(ML) split for the second time in September 1979 when the Punjab committee, under the leadership of Harbhajan Sohi, broke away. HBS had developed a criticism of Mao's Three Worlds Theory. DV, on the other hand, defended the Three Worlds Theory and the new leadership of the Communist Party of China. The Punjab committee came to establish a parallel UCCRI(ML).

Ahead of the 1980 elections, UCCRI(ML) reviewed their stand towards participation. UCCRI(ML) always saw the issue of elections as a tactical issue. Initially the party had taken the policy of non-participation. But in 1980 UCCRI(ML) came out with an appeal to "defeat pro-super power reactionary forces in elections". An article written by DV in the January 1980 issue of Proletarian Line (the central organ of UCCRI(ML) at the time) proposed the following; "We have been treating and are treating the participation or boycott ... as a form of struggle and our practice is the sameRevolutionary Organising Centre.(R.O.C.) 

We do not think that "boycott" can be the slogan of present day ..... In the same way it is too premature to think of candidates in the prevailing situation in which the defective nature of electoral system is one. In these conditions our participation will be one of taking measures to advance the revolutionary movement by utilizing this opportunity. The people are being mobilised to see the real face of contesting parties who have not been serving them in any way what so ever.

Keeping all the points in view, we appeal to the people to defeat the game of the two super powers in general and Soviet Union in particular. We appeal to people to defeat the game of landlords who are trying to survive by diverting the agrarian revolutionary movement. Almost all the election parties are connected with these forces in one way or the other."

The article continues; "Since pro-super power and reactionary forces in general and pro-Soviet forces in particular pose the main danger to our country we will mobilse all those forces who are opposed to them and see that they are strengthened so that they are able to defeat them as far as possible. In this connection, we ask the people to differentiate between genuine and fake anti-Soviet, democratic forces."

In the actual electoral campaign, however, the new policy was not consistent. In Andhra Pradesh the party promoted non-participation, in reality a boycott, whereas the party supported certain candidates in West Bengal and Orissa.
In the aftermath of the elections, a split surged with DV leaving the party with a group of followers in Andhra. DV set up his own UCCRI(ML). After DVs departure, Anand became the new CCSecretary of the remaining UCCRI(ML).then called the Muktigami Group.6.. Struggles and development in the Post Tarimala Nagi Reddy era of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)

In West Bengal under Comrade Gunadhar Murmu peasant struggles were organized on the Nagi Reddy line and attempts were made to re-organise the peasant associations that had been earlier disbanded as a result of Charu Mazumdar’s left adventurist policies.(Infact the Debra Comrades were the first to launch 2 line struggle agansit Left Adventurism in Bengal)In the late 1970’s different trends arose within the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India.In Rajasthan peasant Stuggles were developed in areas..

The impact of the Nagi Reddy line was felt in Andhra Pradesh when a struggle oriented Democratic Rights Organisation,’the Organisation for Protection for Democratic Rights’ was formed in 1975 .This upheld the practice that Democratic Rights Organizations must uphold the right to struggle against Economic opression as a Fundamental Right and also identify with the class struggles of the toiling people. It refuted the trend of the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties committee which advocated that the democratic Rights platform should be used for propogating ideology of armed struggle.. The historic manifesto was as follows

1. Mobilize public opinion against all fascist laws, acts and atrocities by the ruling classes.

2. Propagate and organize among the people about the democratic Rights

3. Give all assistance o the people whose rights were abused.

4. Build unity among all sections possible explaining the connection between their interests.

To build a movement for the right to political dissent and his demand the unconditional release o all political prisoners.

5. To oppose all capital punishment and build public opinion against it.

6. To protect academy and cultural freedoms and oppose state interference

7. To strive to establish the correct practice o the democratic Rights Movement.

The first such democratic Rights organization representing the correct trend was the Organization for Protection of Democratic Rights formed in Andhra Pradesh in 1975. They fought against the trend where the democratic Rights platform was used as a platform for promoting political ideology. This is what differentiated the O.P.D.R with the A.P.C.LC (Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee)The A.P.C.L.C supported the slogan of “armed revolution ‘.

The first major work of O.P. D.R was the report on the Srikakulam Girjian Movement 1977 with regard to exposing the false police’ encounters.’ This was one of the most significant reports in the democratic Rights. Movement in India and the first of it's kind. Hundreds of Girijan families were interviewed and the agency of Srikakulam area was extensively toured.

The report narrated the historic background f the Srikakulam Girijan Movement which originated in 1967. Earlier O.P.D.R had also propagated against the death sentence of Kista Gowd and Bhumiah I 1975 during e emergency. In the 1980's O.P.D.R highlighted a huge range of issues on all sections, whether tribal, peasants, workers students or middle class employees. (Like teachers)Male chauvinism was opposed as well as caste Chauvinism. It also took out a campaign against the 'Rape and murder of Shakeela' Further reports wee carried out on the East Godavri tribals in 1983 and the issue of

Communalism was also highlighted. Living conditions of quarry workers was researched I Krishna district as well as Guntur district. Mass propaganda was done against Police encounters wit A.P.C.LC, but the struggle-oriented trend was always emphasized. (The author attended 2 conferences of O.P.D.R. in 1986 and 1990)The O.P.D.R also took out several reports on issues of drought where the govt's anti-people policies were explained .Even relief was carried out. This was predominant in Krishna district. Tremendous efforts were made to defend the rights of the rural poor. East Godavri district was given great attention as well as Karimnagar. A campaign was done to defend the 1917 and 1959 Tribal area land regulation act. Mass campaigns were also organized against police firing. Often the platform of the Andhra Pradesh Civil liberties Committee was used as a platform of Maoist groups to propagate ideology. The Organization brought out an Organ ' Janpadam 'O.P.D.R also opposed the trend of individual terrorism in the People's Movement as opposed to mass based Movements.

The O.P.D.R built strong democratic Rights Movement and in 1977 led the historic fact-finding team of the Srikakulam Movement. It played a major role in exposing the falsely staged ‘encounters’by the police in Srikakulam.Struggles were held amongst all section of the masses and solidarity movements were built to defend Workers and peasant struggles.The Organisation built Units all over the State and also took up campaigns exposing floods,drought,rape cases Etc.A major Cultural Organization the Peoples Literary and Cultural Federation was built which fought against the trend of imposing the ideology of Mao Tse Tung Thought in a democratic mass organization.Significant Cultural programmes were done giving solidarity to rural and urban movements. A big democratic Rights Organisation was formed. In Punjab following the line of the Tarimal Nagi Reddy (Only after the death of Nagi Reddy did the Punjab Co-ordination Committee led by Harbhajan Sohi join the Unity Centre of Commuist Revolutionaries of India)a struggle developed led by the Punjab Students Union implementing the ‘mass revolutionary line’ of Tarimala Nagi Reddy (as claimed by the Punjab State Committee) in contrast to the other forces. On July 17th 1979 Prithipal Singh Randhawa(25th death anniversary year of martyrdom on July 18th 1979),the leader of Punjab Students Union was murdered. A major armed protest struggle was developed all over the state involving 20,000 People. After Mao’s death in 1976 a 2 line struggle emerged in 

China where Mao’s line was defeated .

In 1979 a split took place in the Organisation on account of disagreeing with the Dengist 3 Worlds theory.This was led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi. Revolutionary Groups began to support Hua Gufeng and attributed the Dengist theory of 3 worlds to Comrade Mao.Com.HBS opposed the three worlds theory .Undemocratically Comrade D.V attempted to impose the theory on members of the organisation without democratic reference or consultation.(Report of U.C.C.R.I section led by Harbhajan Sohi) The U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.)led by HBS held its first regular conference in 1982 and a document was published on the correct line of the International Communist Movement and Mao Tse Tung Thought.

a. Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(C.C.R.I.)

The formation of the Centre of Comunist Revolutionaries of India in 1988(C.C.R.I.)had historical significance, as since the formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L in 1975 there were so may splits. Theoretically, it was the soundest amongst all revolutionary sections and it’s practice in Orissa and Punjab Outstanding. It enhanced the consolidation of the All India revolutionary Movement.A 2 line struggle was undertaken by comrade Anand within the U.C.C.R.I.M.L of Manam Rama Rao,on similar grounds that Comrada H.B S split the organization.The chief architects of this organization were the 2 Comrades Anand and Harbhajan Sohi.Although Comrade Anand(from Andhra Pradesh) remained in the Muktigami period for long time(even after the H.B.S split in 1979) in the author’s opinion the revolutionary Movement has to be sympathetic with his long struggle as he remained within the original organsation with the interests of Unity in mind. One was the issue of the Chinese three Worlds theory, the other was on the question of elections and massOrganisations.There were strong tendencies of right deviation-like participation in election s or supporting candidates and impostion of the party’s policies on mass organsiations.5 organisations after a continuous process of bilateral negotiations united.T

he 1977 Appendix documents written by Harbhajan Sohi were taken as the Organisation’s internatinal line.This organization made a major contribution in the revolutionary democratic movement in the Khalistani period with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L and developed cores of mass revolutionary resistance against the Khalistani Terrorism.. It also played a major role in the building of mass agrarian revolutionary line of the Malkngiri Adivasi movement in Orissa.In Andhra Pradesh it’s forces attempted to consolidate the Srikakulam Girijan movement ’The most significant contribution of this organization was the theoretical and practical correctness on the relationship of mass organizations with the Party. In West Bengal trade Union movement was consolidated and major trade Union struggles were led capturing the Unions.It also had revolutionary peasant Movement work in Bihar which later was absorbed by the Party Unity Section.For some time some struggles carrying the torch of the mass line were implemented ,particulary against the Bhagalpur riots in 1989. It is significant that the C.P.I.(Maoist) does not recognize the contributions of Comrades T.N.Reddy and D.V.Rao towards building the mass line and in the period of the erstwhile peoples War group branded them and the A.P.C.C.C.R.as revisionists. Today, however the C.P.I.(Maoist)recognizes the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) as a genuine revolutionary force. It is an error that the C.P.I.(Maoist)believes it is the re-organized party in itself .

Today the various revolutionary groups are only the components of the revolutionary party to be re-organised and no group can claim to be the re-organised party.

b. Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist-Leninist)

Ultimately the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist Leninist) in August 1994 was formed through the merger of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries or India ,with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L (C.T C.P.I.M.L) ,the Communist Unity Centre of India(C.U.C.I.) and the Marxist Leninist Organising Centre.(M.L.O.C.)The C.C.R.I. played a great role in the formation of that organization playing the role of a blilateral link(mediating centre) with all the 3 groups.This trend advocates the deferring of armed struggle in the present context.The Unification of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) was the result of a principled and sustained ideological and political dialogue between the C.C.R.I. and the 3 other groups and subsequently among all 4 of them.It was the C.C.R.I that stood as the common link which prepared the ground for the multilateral unity talks that eventually led to the formation of the new organization. 

After a continuous process of bilateral transactions this unity took place. 

The fact that it took such a long ,protracted process reflects the principled approach of the Unity.The organization states that the proletarian revolutionary trend lies within various Communist Revolutionary groups and that the proletarian revolutionary party has still to be formed. They brought out their basic Documents in 1995 after their Inaugural Conference. This new formation is closer to Comrade Mao’s line than any other organization in India on the theoretical plane. A profound contribution of the unity is not making the issue of whether 1969 formation of the C.P.I.M.L was correct or not.(It would be a matter to be decided only when the party was re-organised. Earlier this was a major controversy amongst revolutionary Groups)It is interesting that one of the components of this organization the C.P.I.M.L(C.T.)earlier insisted that the 1969 formed Organisation led by Charu Mazumdar was the actual party. Quoting the ist Issue of their publication, ‘Thecomrade’, “This Unification brought the Party Question into Sharp Focus.It has not only emphasized the pressing need and crucial significance of the Party Ree-Organisation for bringing about a new high tide in the Revolutionary Movement but also projected the line based approach to party re-organization. 

This highlighted the other facet of the party question ,namely the impermissibility of diluting the distinct ideological political identity of the political party. The organisation’s insistence on the distinct political identity while seeking to build the party as the leading political core of the revolutionary mass movement of the Indian People,has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the Particular situation.”

c.Formation of the C.P.I.M.L Janashakti-1992

The Janasahakti Group was formed in 1992 by the merger of the Ramchandran Group,the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Muktigami group),the Pyla Vasudeva Group the West Bengal Co-ordination committee led by Parimal Dasgupta,the CP.I.M.L led by Konkan Mazumdar.It was a most opportunist Unity. Without resolving major issues for uniting they merged into a single organization. Suddenly they said that the formation of the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.ML was correct and at the same time upheld the lines of T.Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy!In no time this group split into 5 different Organisations.The organization although having armed squads in many areas came out openly and disturbed the mass movement.(Like in Punjab)In Andhra Pradesh they held a joint all India Peasant Conference against Imperialist dictates of the I.M.F .In the trade Union Movement they led struggles but exhibited powerful economist tendencies. In the opinion of the author the organization today has it’s major sections in the revisionist camps ,while has a small section in the Northern parts, which sides with the C.P.I.Maoist and may possibly merge with them. (Signed a joint statement on boycott of elections with C.P.I.Maoist as well as on anti repressionand anti-communal issues)As a result of disunity and theoretical weakness is no more a serious revolutionary force.It still has several revolutionary cadres and the Rajanna faction in Andhra Pradesh is still a militant one.,carrying armed struggle at a marginal level.

U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)-Proletarian Line Group(upholding DV.Rao)-

It was formed in 1980.The Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist) is a political party in Andhra Pradesh, India. It was formed by D.V. Rao after the 1980 general elections, as a split from the original Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist). D.V. Rao had been the Central Committee Secretary of UCCRI(ML). However, differences had emerged on issues like how to relate to developments in China after the death of Mao Zedong. D.V. Rao maintained that China under Deng Xiaoping remained a socialist state. They still bring out an organ called the ‘Proletarian Path’ Every year they hold commemoration meetings in July upholding Comrades T.N.and D.V. Although they term the Janashakti and C.P.I.(Maoist)as adventurist and opportunist. ,this organisation participates in Elections in substantial way.They had one section of the Student organisation, Democratic Students Organsiation under their influence and a section of Organisation For Protection of Democratic Rights.I rate them as Revisionist today. Today the party is led by Arika Gumpaswamy.

4.Mass movements oriented towards the line of T.Nagi Reddy.(compiled from journal “The Comrade”)

a. Punjab

From the early 80's to the early part of the 90's the state of Punjab was ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat to the people's democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikhc ommunalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Bothparties used the communal terrorists against each other.

Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh ommunal fanatic,to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged to a Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalistforces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when thecontradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideologybecame acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilise the Akali Dal, the ruling party.

The 'Front against repression and Communalsim'could not be a front comprising of the revolutionary democratic organizations belonging to respective organizations as the issue was beyond the scope of mass organizations. It could also not be a Front comprising of political organizations belonging to the Communist Revolutionary Camp, as the issue had a broader mass appeal for the involvement of such braoder sectionsof democratic,secular and non-communal forces,whose participation in the Front would not be possible ,if it comprised of the Communist Revolutionary forces based on Marxism-Leninsim Mao Tse Tung Thought..

The Front against Repression and Communalism, Punjab could not only maintain it's existence ,despite several ups and owns ut function successfully implementing it's common plan of action for years. It undertook highly successful propaganda campaigns in various parts of the state on a mass scale ,but could also mobilize the people at various places in great numbers in actual opposition and resistance to communal fascist terrorism and state terrorism, and was able to create ,during the trying times, several exempelary centres of revolutionary mass resistance against e dual reactionary monster of terrorism.The greatest achievement was organizing a state level function in the darkest days of Khalistani and state terrorism on July 10^th 1987.It was backed by the C.C.R.I and the C.P.I.(M.L.)Central Team groups.

In contrast ,The Revolutionary Unity Centre formed by Comrade Gursharan Singh(famous revolutionary dramatist and supporter of the Communist Movement) was based on a declaration that professed Marxism –Leninism –Mao Tse Tung Thought as its guiding ideology,and the unity among Communist revolutionary forces as it's goal. It allotted no specific programme. It's pogramme was vague and non –specific .

Importance was not give to revolutionary mass resistance. Only mere propaganda campaigns could be taken up or seminar type activities ,where the speakers would declare their latest political positions ,and contradict each other.(Held a state-wide rally from March 23^rd to April 8^thin 1987 opposing State and Khalistani terrorism commemorating Shaheed Bhagat Singh) The Revolutinary UnityCentre in contracts could not unify any 2 of it's constituents .Being communist Revolutionary Centre it became an arena of conflicting trends interpreting Mao Tse Tung Thought differently. 

Several groups did not consider each other revolutionary and openly accused each other of being revisionist. Some of it's constituents upheld he Socialist Revolution as their goal. Thus the formation of a revolutionary United front was contradictory because a centre forged with the specific goal of unity among different Communist Revolutinary Sections cannot be be the same as one created for a revolutionary democratic Front.. Secondly how could he upholders of the Socialist revolution as a goal agree with the upholders of the New democratic revolution.

There was also a tendency to allow or invite the 'Paigam' group in the revolutionary camp which upheld the Khalistani Movement.It was simply inviting those who the revolutionary forces labelled as 'traitors' or 'revisionists' to come into the front .Considering that there was such a severe debate on he polemical level amongst Communist Revolutionary groups it was virtually impossible for the Centre to be effective on the mass political plane.

It is interesting that the main advocate of this Centre the C.P.I(M.L)Resistance or Chandra Pulla Redy Group led by K.Ramchandran opposed the front claiming that mass organizations were needed for taking up partial and economic issues and the party should undertake political activities.It claimed that the formation of such affront was alien to Marxism Leninism.We held that this was a totally unmarxist formulation.Communists can never consider mass organisations stood be purely economic ones.This was a most eclectic formulation. Mass Organisations play a mass –political role I the revolutionary movement and in specific situation s mass –political platforms have top be built.

1993 Sewewala Martyrs Conference(report from Punjab Compiled from Comrade no 12 –December 1993)

On April 9th 1991 Megh Raj Jagpal Singh, Karam Singh, Pappy, Gurjant Singh and 9 other Front activists were massacred in Sewevala in Faridkot district. To commemorate their death a statewide protest took place which culminated in a 10,000 strong rally in Sewewala where people assembling from allover the state, armed with traditional weapons as well as raising anti-Khalistan and anti-State slogans were mobilised. A self-defence barricade was made against the Khalistani terrorists and police protection was opposed. Echoes of the revolutionary spirit reverberated in the hearts of the people assembled like a light radiating over them. It appeared like a huge red flame had lit the Sewewala village. The martyrdom of the Sewewala Martyrs wrote a new chapter in the history of the Indian Communist Movement.

The decline of the Khalistani Movement was significant but as far as village Sewewal was concerned none of the local acomplies of the Khalistani gang,its harbourers, or known supporters were even arrested,interrogated or beaten.Infact the local accomplices of the Khalistani gangs were freely roaming all over the lace.An open and Known Khalisatni Group went on intimidating and terrorizing the villagers

2 years later a commemoration programme was launched which depicted a classic example of mass line.After a considerable study of the political situation it was decided to launch a commemoration programme for the Sewevala martyrs.The Harijan basti region was where the programme was launched .

The respective sate-levellaeding committee of the Front undertook a comprehensive and concrete analysys of the prevailing situation before deciding on the holding of he function in Sewewala.The Khalisatni terrorist movementwas on the wane ,but all the objective conditions necessary for it's resurgence existed, and it was far from bein totally crushed.In view of our organized persistent resistance ,we presumed the Khalistani forces would not attack Sewewala.Moreover,fearing retaliatory attacks,the local accomplices of the terrorists can hardly co-operate. Elaborate and tight security arrangements would further dissuade the terrorists from undertaking such a venture.e The situation is very tough and challenging.It has a huge revolutionary potential for he advancement of he anti-communal,anti terroris democarti Struggle as wella s for agrarian revolutionary movement.The bold and daring activities of the revolutinay democratic movement can isolate the Khalistani elements and wi over the dalitand landless classes.A good section of the Jat middle peasntry can be won over.

After reaching a general consent of villagers and the residents of the Harijan Basti a secret meeting of 7-8 pro-party militants was held.The local mass militants were bitterly critical of the inadequate security arrangements at the time of the massacre ,2 years previously and felt humiliated but they shared their intense hatred for the Khalistani terrorists.The political activist of the revolutionary group made a self-critical appraisal of their earlier approach which reduced their anger and brought them closer to the revolutionary Group.He pledged that now the masses would be organised to enable them to receive much stronger self -defence and Front leaders would be far more vigilant of enemies.A list of potential allies and enemies A list of potential allies and enemies was drawn out.A calculated action programme was chalked out to win over the maximum support of the Harijan Basti.

The survey of the village revealed that Khalistani terror broadly existed over both the landed and landless peasantry.Only a small section of the Landed peasantry sympathised with the Front and even these sections would not openly identify with the Front Programme.The rest of the peasant households remained neutral.The Harijans were unwilling to take the risk again.However,as a result of their social class the Harijans were easy to win over.I t was now decided to deploy a plan of work whereby the advanced elements of the youth would be won over followed by the middle and backward layer.This plan proved most fruitful,as a great section of revolutionary youth were won over.

However the Harijan elders were reluctant to join .The Front organised family meetings to combat this obstacle as well as promised greater security plans for them at meetingsWeapons were displayed in the basti for this purpose..The Front giving concrete examples explained what revolutionary resistance to the 2 pronged Khalistani and State terror was about giving vivid examples of their experience.The class hatred of such families was strengthened by this method.The Harijans were explained how they would be liberated from the tyranny of the rich Sikh Landowners and Pro0Khalistani Sections.During these meetings each participant was allotted a particular duty after being assesssed.Male members were given duties involving preparations, while women and children were allotted the task of obtaining information about the enemies. In less than 2 weeks ,almost the entire Harijan Basti supported the Front. However a self-styled leader of the basti as well as Pro-Khalistani elements opposed the programme stating that they would lathi charge the programme.Enraged section of the Youth retaliated trying to give those reactionary elements a sound thrashing but the Front curbed them explaining them to adopt a correct approach.

Khalistani elements mainly belonging to the Jat peasantry continued to threaten this programme through terror methods over villagers.They carried out a campaign of deliberate lies against the Harijans inciting class hatred against the Dalits.The landed peasantry were told by these elements that the Harijans would snatch their lands.They also spread rumours that an attack similar to the one at Sewevala would take place and hundreds would be killed.

Now the Front organisers concentrated on winning over sections of the Jat peasantry.Unfortunately when a group of Harijan youth went on a propaganda campaign the communalised sections of the Jat Peasantry misbehaved and tore up their pamphlets and posters.However the youth kept calm and thus foiled the attempt of these reactionary forces in creating a clash between the Jat peasants and the Harijans.After this incident 2 contrasting events took place.One section of Harijans were depressed by the aggressive behaviour of the Jats.They wanted to postpone the programme.However another section were outraged and were impatient in holding the programme.This attitude was predominant in the youth who stated that there was no need to win over the Jat peasantry to hold the programme.

Now all efforts were concentrated on the mobilisation of the Harijan basti.A huge range of family meetings took place.There was now even a great response from women.

After this state-wide preparations were made for the programme-the State Committee of the revolutionary organisation issuing a leaflet explaining the history of the Punjabi masses in combating the communal terror and the State terror. On March 21st a mass meeting of activists was held to pay homage to the Sewewala Martyrs and chalk out plans for the conference on April 9th.A 10 member preparation committee was elected which facilitated this propaganda in labour colonies.A shaheedi conference was held on April4th on April 4th to pay homage to the heroes where 800 people participated. The families of 2 martyrs of the Sewewala massacre were presented with momentoes.
A massive security programme was launched by the Front.The Harijan masses of the basti played a major role in gathering information about the role of the enemies. The women and children played a major role in this. They made a thorough study of the enemy's moves ,motives and movements. The deployment of adequate and proper weapons was given emphasis. However the emphasis was given on the broad masses asserting their right to self-defence.Trained volunteers were also to play an instrumental role.2 dozen youth of the basti associated themselves as guards ,couriers and vigilance keepers as well as spying on the enemy.

A day before the programme security was installed on the roofs of the exterior of the basti .Trained volunteers manned them. Barricades were installed in the lanes and by-lanes to prohibit the entry of suspicious elements. The Barricades were provided cover by armed volunteers positioned on rooftops. All security posts were covered with a special signal system A network of couriers was organised which raced from one spot to the other exchanging information. All posts had their own commanders and an operational zone operating under a unifying a higher command.
On the day of the programme, entry was entitled only by identity passes. A Harijan Dharamshala staged the programme.Slogans such as "Down with Khalistani and State terrorism "and "Long Live the Sewewala Martyrs "were painted on the boundary walls of the building.The ground was decorated with red Flags and a bed of red sand. Amidst flower petals name plates of martyrs were placed. A community kitchen served cooked and sweet packed rice to the participants. From the home village of martyred comrade Megh Raj Baghtuana, a contingent of 70 men, women and children carrying red flags and escorted by girl volunteer reached Sewewala.The women participants numbered more than 150 in the conference. By 12 o'clock,3,000 people had arrived, more than2/3 from the agricultural labourers,industrial labourers,electricity workers and other working sections. Leaders Amolak Singh and Jaspal Jassi adressed the gathering. At 12.30 the Family members of the martyrs came on stage.Amolak explained people the anti-people nature of the Khalistani terrorists and the State. He explained how the Jat peasantry (Middle Sections of the peasantry)had fallen victim to the Khalistani poisonous propaganda.

2.05 was the exact time of the attack on the Sewewala Martyrs 2 years previously. At that time perhaps one of the most emotional scenes in the history of the Communist movement in India.
The winning over of the Harijan peasantry was a great achievement but the inability to influence the Jat Peasantry was a major setback. The front issued an ordinary appeal to the Jat Peasantry.The front projected it's pro-people policies and explained that the Khalistani elements were only trying to poison their minds with lies and false propaganda regarding the Front. It was explained that such elements were trying to wedge the gap between the Jat peasantry and the Harijan labourers.However as these programmes took place ,reports took place about the movements of suspected terrorists. This became a major threat and security was strengthened. The Front persuaded supporters to contribute a day's labour in donation. While the harvesting was taking place a bunch of suspected elements were tracked. A red Alert was issued .At night such elements were observed near a Harijan basti.An attack was anticipated and the volunteers resorted to firing to thwart the suspected elements.Again there was a totally contrasting reaction between the Jats and the Harijans.The landed Jat peasantry took it as an attack on the Harijans against them as a provocation while the Harijan peasantry defended the firing of the volunteers .The latter were now more confident of repulsing attacks by class enemies.

The conference also set abase for the winning over of sectns of the middle peasants and thus create an alliance beween the Jat and the Dalit sections.A platform was also created to build the evolutionary mass organsiation of the landless labourers.

The great achievement of the martyrs conference was that a most favourable situation was turned into a favourable situation reminiscent of the Vietcong who heroically defeated the American forces in the Vietnam war.The campaign also effectively answered the question of the mass revolutionary line over the line of squad actions.A n earlier supporter of Squad actions stated"What we achieved here can not be achieved by a squad action."Another Student leader stated"Mass revolutionary line is invincible and armed squad action cannot substitute it".A volunteer Student Group stated"We have gained a valuable experience in the mass revolutionary line."The polemics the Communist Revolutionary Organisation applied in the building up and holding of the conference was comparable in correctness to the polemics of Comrade Mao before the Chinese revolution.The policy of learning from the masses and then educating them and learning correct ideas from the masses was meticulously applied.

In the phase when hey were combating he Khalistani militant in the late 1980' s the organization built a superb struggle network that spread rom village to village. The fact that it created bastions of mass military resistance is a complement as a result of dedicated planning, preparing the masses and the correct method of working within a mass organization.Party Politics was never imposed on the Front.It could also reach other sections like trading Communist and teachers-so integral to the mass line.With great precision it evaluated the strengths fo the ememy and the masses co-relation with them.(studied the level of political consciousness of the masses) It's theoretical explanation of polemical issues is brilliant in the light of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse ung thought.Simlar situations took lace during the Chinese Revolution in the light of assessing the strengths of the enemy in co-relation with that with the masses and the kind of mass –political platform needed to be built.

Succesful May Day Programme (Punjab)

2 revolutionary Groups in Punjab decided that on May day besides projecting their political understanding the aspect of Unity and solidarity of trade Union forces should be emphasised.The following steps were decided.

1. Approach All Communist Revolutionary Groups to issue joint Statements and leaflets,wallposters Etc.in the name of political organisations to propogate May Day message.
2. The editor of their mass political paper should approach other revolutionary democratic papers to publish a joint May Day editorial.
3. On the level of Mass Organisations our mass leaders should approach all pro-people Mass Leaders under the influence of other democratic forces.All the participant forces should sought out a minimum common understanding which is to be projected from such platforms
4. If in any place joint platforms are not possible, various mass organizations should demonstrate together towards the end of their separate May Day Functions.

Implementation

In one industrial City 'A' we had a known mass organization of amongst Industrial Workers. And influene among railway workers.At a representative meeting of various mass organizations of industrial workers, democratic Rights Organisation,roadway workers,Textile Workers and Railway Workers,telephone employees,and hospital employees.It was decided that all these organisations would have their separate May Day functions and culminate proceedings with a joint demonstration.Center of Indian Trade Unions,the upper Echelons of the All India Trade Union Congress and the H.M.S backed Out.However the local representatives of those mass organisations wished to join the front.

Before May Day a propaganda programme was launched.A troupe of about 50 workers and some industrial workers performed a march in an industrial Area.On 30yh April, a troupe of about 100 workers marched through half a dozen Industrial areas.35to 40 workers interspersed a wrestling show.

On the 1st May Morning,slogan shouting workers arrived from various industrial areas and assembled at the office.After a brief flag hoisting ceremony the workers marched to the main industrial Area.After preparatory gate meetings in colonies,a group of 70 to 80 Railway workers organized 70 to 80 torch -light procession.In the joint function 800 people,comprising Industrial Workers,railway workers,telephone employees, roadway employees,Nepali workers,Women and Students and democratic Rights activists held a rally.The rally pased by the rally held by the C.I.T.U (Trade Union Front of Revisionist C.P.M)Rally.The organisers of that function started giving revolutionary slogans in order to hold up their participants and to prevent them from being won over by the Revolutionary Democratic Forces.Sensibly, the leadres of the demonstration of revolutionary forces avoided a tussle thus raising a feeling of solidarity with the audience of that function.

In another town 'B'the Communist Party of India had a stronghold. The Communist Party of India member had won 3 assembly elections from this constituency. Here there was ony one mass organization under our leadership comprising of technical workers of the electricity board. Our organization of electricity workers gave a call to organize a solidarity committee in support of he struggling doctors .

TheC.P.I-C.PM left parties sabotaged 3 meetings demonstrating solidarity to the struggling doctors As the result of a correct method of work revisionist trade Union leaders were isolated and pressurized to form a solidarity committee of 21 Organizations. Earlier there had been a major tussle between the the mass revolutionary Forces and the Revisionists. The Communist revolutionaries had an organisation of electricity workers which gave a call to organise a general solidarity committee in support of the Struggling Doctors. The Revisionists tried to sabotage 3 meetings involving this struggle. Most of the Organizations in the Solidarity committee were attached to the revisionist parties.

In the May Day programme,the Union of technical workers of the Electricity board gave a call for joint May Day celebrations. A meeting representing 16 mass organisations was called to finalize the programme.Revisionist leaders intervened in their meeting and reflected their undemocratic approach. They tried to foil all Unity Attempts. Ultimately 2 May Day platforms emerged-one led by the Communist Revolutionaries and one led by the Revisionists. The revisionists organized programmes to sabotage the Communist Revolutionary Programme.In the tussle the revolutionary forces captured 11 mass organisations from the Revisionists. The May Day function of the Revolutionary Forces had a revolutionary influence on the toiling people..The Communist Party of India also dominated the Trade Union Politics of the Region. However the Communist revolutionary Organisation distributed a leaflet to all mass Organisations of workers and employees jointly on May day. Fearing the influence of revolutionary onslaught on the people they launched a major mobilization campaign for the first time. Normally they would never bother to carry out a mobilization campaign. Competing with the revolutionary organisation for the first time the Communist Party of India was forced to do so. 

On the day of the function the revisionists were not able to attack the revolutionaries. This was because the Communist revolutionaries projected a creditable pro-people image in the ranks of members of mass organisations.A few mass Organisations left the C.P.I.platform and joined the revolutionary ranks! In 2 small -scale factories workers were divided. A section of them joined the section of revisionists and another joined the Communist Revolutionaries

In town a C.P.I.leader of he area ad won 3 assembly elections fro this constituency As a result of his the C.P.I had a major influence on the Trade Union Movement. .A bitter struggle was going on between our trade Union leaders and he one's of the C..P.I.Inspite of this the Trade Union platform of the two n supported us and circulated aletter To the leaders of alL the mass organizations to join the May Day programme.The propaganda campaign of our mass organizations had a postive effect o the rank and file of he mass organizations attached to the revisionist trade Union Centre of the town.The revisionist leaders tried to counter this influence and tried to wean over cadres against participating. Meetings wee organized to dissuade hm from participating in the May Day programme of revolutionary fores.T hey organized an alternative campaign with wall posters,wall writings,stickers and banners.Usually,there MAy Day programme was merely performing the rituals and devoid of any propaganda or mobilization but this time facing competition from the revolutionary forces they had to act positively to attract the workers. Normally the C.PI would never organize.

Five Mass revolutionary mass papers under the initiative of a political organization of India published a joint May Day message. This was the first time so many revolutionary papers supporting different lines gave a joint Statement. With another political group a joint poster was pasted. The mass paper of the Inquilabi Jantak Leh' issued a special May Day supplement supporting the mass revolutionary line. A joint May Day poster was also issued by 5 different revolutionary Organisations.

All the campaigns proved that there was a pressing need of developing revolutionary Centers of the Working Class which would consistently follow, the right trade Union policies and demolish the revisionist trade Union Centres.Although revisionist parties dominate the trade Union movement, there grip over trade Union activities and ranks is weak. One section of workers remains with the revisionists for petty political gains while the other bigger section belongs there as a result of no alternative revolutionary Centers of the Working Class.

This was a major lesson to revolutionary forces in winning over forces from the revsionsit camp I he trade Union Movement.

Rajjeana Conference on November 12th 1994.(Compiled from The Comrade no 5-
organ of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.)

IN Punjab the ‘Naxalbari martyrs commemoration committee’ staged a martyrs' commemoration conference on November 12th, 1994. In Rajeana,in Punjab the Naxalbari martyrs commemoration committee staged a martyrs' commemoration conference on November 12th, 1994 commemorating Comrade Bent Singh Rajeana,a martyr of the Naxalite Movement in 1972. A committee was formed for this purpose.This was called the committee for commemorating the martyrs of Naxalbari.The committee took 2 things into consideration.The first was that the content of the platform should be easily understood by the common people. The second was that no controversial point should be raised in the platform.No mutual criticisms should be launched from this platform.It should not be a forum for debating mutual polemics.The maximum revolutionary forces should be launched around it. It was not in the agenda to pass judgement on a particular organization. It was decided that all the martyrs would be treated at an equal level and no discrimination would be launched as regards to a particular group.They would all be treated as Naxalbari martyrs.There were groups in Punjab which took correct positions on certain questions of the line while took a right opportunist position on other questions.The C.P.I.M.L.Janashakti was an example of this.It was decided that even if a revolutionary group was affected by the chief opportunist trends of the day they and their group would not be discriminated against.Tributes would be paid to all as martyrs to the revolutionary movement.



Only 2 groups seriously adhered to the programme,namely the C.C.RI and C.T.C.P.I(M.L).(later merged into the C.P,.R.C.I-M.L)Credit for the eventual success of he conference went to such organizations


Problems were caused by the R.C.C.I.M.L and the C.P.I.M.L.Party Unity.The former raised the controversial topic of the 3 world theory,formation of C.P.I.M.L.and land to the tiller.The Party Unity group decided that C.P.I.M.L.Janashakti should be treated as a genuine communist revolutionary organisation. And it's Punjab unit should be invited to form the committee.The Janashakti group had lost several of their leaders to the Khalistani terrorists.However their line was affected by right opportunist positions.Thus these 2 groups left the platform.

.
A strong mobilisation campaign was undertaken for the conference.Small group meetings of revolutionary activists were held for those who were prepared to carry out the campaign.The comrade decided that the method of propoganda must be understood by the people.The language used must be easily understood by the workers and peasants.There was strong mobilization campaign in Rajeana area in the form of group meetings,big public meetings,rallies and streetcorner plays.Rs.30000 was contributed by the people as donations.A campaign was alos carried out in the village of Rode.This was the native village of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale,chief of the Khalistan movement .60 persons were assassinated by Khalistanif orces and the police here.The masses remembered the martyrs against the Khalistani Movement with great depth of feeling terming them, “Our boys.”


Differentiated propoganda was done for different sections.The politics of Naxalbari was to be connected to the basic interests of different sections.The workers and employees were told that the message of Naxalbari was to fight against narrow,sectional interests and to integrate workers and employees mass movements with the revolutionary movement and that the workers should help the peasantry get organised to build an agrarian revolution.Different propoganda was done with the peasantry. To the landless labourers it was propogated that Naxalbari was the name for the confiscation of the land,property and implements of the landlords and their distribution amongst the landless labourers.It is also the name for bringing bonded labour to the end as well as feudal exploitation.To the landed peasantry it was propagated that they were bent on bringing to an end the present social and economic system which supports the monopoly of land by the landlordsand exploitation of peasants in the form of land rent and usury.

They would also confiscate the capital and property in India of all the Indian imperialists and compradors.The Akali leaders attempting to trick the common people instilled fear amongst the masses that the common people would be arrested if they supported the Communist revolutionaries. For 2 weeks an intensive combat took place between the ranks of the Communist Revolutionaries and the leaders and Ruling Class supporters. The campaigning team explained their politics with great patience and persuasion,reminescent of comrades of Mao's Red Army in explaining people the relationship between their day to day lives and politics. In a village called Rhode the masses redressed their grievances to the campaigning team whereby during the period of Khalistani terrorism,60 people were either executed by the terrorists and the police. They explained how they were threatened by the terrorists blaming the relatives of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale who extorted lakhs of Rupees as Ransom money and funded Khalistani leaders living in bungalows.

In the Rajjeana area small group meetings were heldas well as big public meetings and rallies.The masses participated most enthusiastically contributing Rs 30,000.
The Commemorating committee decided that if the State declared a ban on the conference they would not cancel their preparations towards it. In fact they would resist the police parties and assert their democratic Right to assemble. Sit-Ins and roadblock-traffic could also be struggle forms. Protest demonstrations may be organised near the police blockades. To some extent, the committee felt such demonstrations would serve the purpose of the Conference.

The final conference was the biggest ever gathering that took place in Punjab for 25 years among the revolutionary forces.10, 000 people were mobilised.In this conference the real meaning of Naxalbari was explained. Earlier it was understood that Naxalbari meant armed actions of squads.Many people came to understand for the 1st time that it was a mass-based political movement. A separate programme was made for landless peasants and a separate programme was made for the landed peasantry. The need for a correct agrarian revolutionary programme was explained. The people's attitude to the revolutionary movement was greatly changed by this. Here are some examples.
A resolution highlighting the sacrifice ,heritage and path of the martyrs was passed. This included

1. To draw a clear-cut demarcation from the parliamentary path and to expose the hypocritical nature of those who propogated it as well as the bankruptcy of that ideology towards the liberation path.
2. To give a call to People's liberation.
3. To highlight the importance of building the Agrarian revolutionary movement as well as the revolutionary United Front.
4. To highlight the democratic right of the people to build revolutionary mass resistance
5. To explain the Indian people the connection between their struggles and those of Imperialist and third -world countries as well as building solidarity movements to revolutionary struggles all over the world particularly the revolutionary armed Struggle in Peru.
6. The significance of organizational and political self preparedness for self -defence against counter revolutionary violence .based on the recent experience they faced in Punjab.
7. Commemorating the Martyrs and explaining the necessity of building a single Communist revolutionary organisation.


There were families of revolutionary activists who opposed participatin in the revolutionary movement ,considering the risks and consequences they would fcae4.However after attending the conference their attitudes were totally revrsed.They now had second thoughtys about heir husbans or son spaticipating.

"We had been mistaking Naxalbari people as a terror. Now we know they are very much for their welfare. Such comments were made by landless labourers and peasants. A leader of a group of 8to 10 migrant labourers said "We had been observing for a full 9 years whether anybody exists in Punjab or not. Now we know that they are very much here. Had we known of their presence earlier we would have created doomsday in the factories."


A family member commented “This is good work,here everyone is with them,we had been anxious for along time meaninglessly.’

b.Anti Communal Struggle in Bihar.-Mass Line trend

in 1989 during the Bhagalpur riots a campaign depicting the revolutionary mass line against Hindu Communalism and minority Fundamentalism took place. The Hindu revivalist campaign in India had its roots in the JanSangh and th R.S.S just after independence. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad a communal Hindu Front led by the Bharatiya Janata Party wishing to build a movement for Hindutva carried out a brick worship campaign at Ayodhya.Even the left Front Parties and the Janata Dal allowed this. The Congress which had claims of being secular sent 5 lakh Ramshilas to villages all over the Country to win votes!Infact they were the source of communalism as in 1986 Rajiv Gandhi entered the Ram Janmabhhoomi in Ayodhya(God Ram's birthplace)temple and advocated Ram Rajya.Infact he was the first person to open the doors of the Babri Masjid.The Vishwa Hindu Parishad propagated that the Babri Masjid Mosque should be destroyed and a temple built. Ordinary people were diverted from their socio-political issues like Price Rise. The Riots were a necessary instrument for the Ruling Classes to defend themselves from the people's wrath at their economic conditions.

In Bhagalpur 100's perished in the riots. More than 25,000people were rendered homeless. The left Parties and the newly elected Janata Dal led no pro-people resistance and infact to win votes let brick worship and communal propaganda take place.There were some heroic mass struggles waged by Communist Revolutionaries.

In Rasaunk in Khagaria District an anti-riot organisation was formed .Plans were made to launch anti-communal demonstrations. A wall writing campaign took place raising the following slogans which were also propagated in various towns and villages.

1.All Religious minded people of India are the Children of the same Mother India. That is why in 1857 they fought collectively against the Britishers.

2.Fearing the Unity the British created disunion in the Country twice, in 1923 and in 1945to47-ultimately dividing the Country.

3.In 1947 there were 25 crores in the treasury of India,wheras at present the same India has a burden of a loan of 85,000 Crores of Rupees.

4.The American and Russian block are inciting riots through the medium of many organisations.
The Administration first refused a demonstration. The people went door to door mobilising people for a general assembly. In the harmony meeting 200 people attended consisting of Hindus and Muslims.12 Speakers spoke and people from both the communities embraced each other. A 21 member Communal Harmony team was formed. The following resolutions were passed.

1.The Babri Masjid Controversy should be resolved locally in Ayodhya through some social gathering or court.

2.The controversy should not be allowed to be a national controversy.

3.No activity should be allowed inciting riots.

4.Any Individual caught inciting riots should be punished in a Social Panchayat.

5.Any native or foreign money bag, whether he be an exporter of capital, a state Leader, A mullah capitalist, or a landlord ,all want to save themselves from the wrath of the masses, to rule and divide the people.

The following slogans were raised

1.Hindu,Muslim,Sikh and Christians are Brethrens.
2.Stop the Communal Riots
3.Stop converting religious beliefs into riots.
Such leaflets prevented riots from taking place.
In Jamalpur in Mungher district similarly people organised anti-communal demonstrations brave team of intellectuals were responsible for this. A 'Peace and Harmony committee was formed and a demonstration was organised.Anti-Communalism posters were put up. These activities prevented riots.
Lastly ,when anti-social elements of Godargama planned to massacre the Muslims of Mohinderpur Punarvas in Begusurai district ,the Harijan masses openly opposed this under a Comrade and got prepared to fight to death to protect the Muslims. The reactionary forces were forced to flee.l

In North Bihar significant mass work was done I the Khgaria egion under the guidance of the C.C.R.I.Later this section mrged with the Party Unity Section.

5. India–Mortgaged

In 1974 Com TN.produced the great work India Mortgaged.

”It is one of the most comprehensive accounts of Indian post-indepence political economy and it’s subservience to both U.S Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism.

It brilliantly elaborated how India was still a semi-feudal,semi-colonial society and portrayed the repressive role of the state on democratic movements.

Below I am reproducing a report on a programme by the Tarimela Nagi Reddy Memorial Trust.

On the occasion of publication of “Bharat Ek Bnadak Rashtra” Hindi version of “India Mortgaged” written by Communist Revolutionary leader Com. T.Nagi Reddy, a meeting was organized by the Tarimela Nagireddy Memorial Trust at Gandhi Memorial Hall, New Delhi on 30-3-2012.

The meeting was presided over by Com. Ranajeet Singh, a veteran communist leader of Rajasthan and who translated this book into Hindi. He briefly narrated the life and struggles Com.TN. As Com.TN said in this book India could not progress during British colonial rule and after 1947 also it has not progressed because of imperialist domination on all our sectors of economy and continuation of feudalism. Unless and until the lives of people are up lifted by removing the yoke of feudalism and imperialism India could not progress as Com.TN observed.

Com. Shiv Kumar Mishra, a well known journalist narrated the days when Com.TN was a student of Banaras University and became a communist. He said that Com.TN cannot be considered as an individual, but as representative of peoples struggles. He explained how Com.TN stood for the revolutionary line opposing revisionism and left sectarianism.

Com. Krishna Prasad, said that he came across two books which analysed the Indian situation. One is Rajani Plame Datt’s India today, which analysed the situation of colonial period. The second one is India mortgaged which analysed the situation after the transfer of power. He observed that FDI is coming into our country but it is taking away in the form of profits ten times of that investment made. Com.TN has written in such a manner that even a common man can understand the loot of resources by imperialism.

Com. Anil Chabria who pointed out the lateness in making available the book in Hind, explained the poverty has increased in these four decades by comparing the figures given by Com.TN with those of today.

Prof. K.R.Chowdary said that Com.TN emphatically proved that it is not possible to bring democratic revolution in India without an agrarian revolution. Com.TNs analysis of green revolution was correct as it widened the gulf between haves and have-nots in rural areas and perpetuated dependence of agriculture on the market and foreign countries. Today this dependence has grown and our plans are being made by the imperialist financial institutions. Com. TNs detailed exposition of the repression by the Indian government let loose upon the people clearly showed that only as revolutionary struggle could change the present exploitative system. As he belonged to the same district as Com.TN and he was inspired by Com.TNs speeches, the youth now take up the cause of revolution and the task of changing this system, he said.

Com. Eesh Mishra, of Delhi University reviewed the book. (His review was given in this issue on page 2.) He said that the dangerous consequences of foreign capital, the Indian big business, the role of feudalism and their definite influence which he had explained basing on his study can be seen today in a disastrous form. The monopoly of British capital is still there in the country even after the transfer of power in 1947 along with other imperialist powers.

He said that in reality, this (“India Mortgaged”) is a document of two statements of Com.T.Nagi Reddy. His statement of resignation is of course, small in size and is added as an appendix. However, both are historic documents concerning the revolutionary movement in India. It is like a guide and reference book to understand the nature of Indian ruling classes, the Indian state and the disastrous consequences of foreign capital and investment.

The meeting was closed with singing of the “International”.

I recommend all readers to read the 2 volumes on the ‘Historical and Polemical documents of the Communist Movement in India’published by the Tarimela Nagi Reddy Memorial Trust.The first volume covers 1942-1951 ,while the 2^nd volume covers 1964-1972.It brilliantly portrays the mass line aspects of the Telengana Armed Struggle from 1946-51 and the struggle of the A.P.C.C.C.R. against left adventurism and the struggles of Comrades like Gunadhar Murmu,Kanu Sanyal etc.

It is available from 32-13-26/1 B.M.RAO RD.

Mogalrajpuram

VIJAYAWADA-10AP

INDIA

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