Monday, January 7, 2019

Comrade Joma Sison of the NDF Interviewed by Comrade Harsh Thakor - 50th Anniversary of Communist Party of Philippines




Below I have recorded my Interview with Chairman Joma Sison in Utrecht on December 27th and Dec 31st 2018. 

I personally interviewed the great Comrade in the National Democratic Front Office in Utrecht,personally, which was an experience in a lifetime.

For half a century the CCP has displayed the tenacity of a rock withstanding every hurdle. It convinced me that no Communist party practiced mass line so penetratively or deeply as the CPP after the reversal of capitalism in China.

No party has with such fortitude and clinical analysis and practice thwarted of right and left opportunism of the CCP. It made the boldest of self -criticisms at many consonance with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

May have some flaws in theoretical plane on international questions but in practice true champions.

Genuine revolutionary organs of political power have been created similar to what the Chinese Communist party did in the 1940's.,

I was astounded with how they blended political mastery with creativity.The New Peoples Army demonstrated phenomenal mobility and flexibility and was fully integrated in the lives of the broad masses.

Of great importance was the efforts of the rectification campaigns which were major stepping stones in the carving out of the revolutionary mass line.

The struggle for combating deviations and striving for mass line was similar to blood running through the veins of a body.

Revisionism was combated through revolutionary practice itself and not mere talk.

I was most impressed how they handled times of crisis in several junctures and fought back with their backs to the wall.

It depicted great dialectical approach like a surgeon performing continuous operations on the most serious patients.

Great planning was involved in every stage with the CPP traversing the most turbulent of waters..

Above all it did not impose itself on the masses but channelized every effort to establish itself as the true vanguard of the people. Resembled an architect,boulder,professor and,artist blended into one.

Above all it proved the authenticity of Maoism being invincible and correctness of theory of protracted peoples war.

H.T:What led to the re-organization of the Communist Party of Philippines in 1969

JMS: The general secretary Jesus Lava was completely isolated from any mass movement.He adopted policies that  first liquidated the remnants of the old people's army by calling on the armed units to turn themselves into organizational brigades, and subsequently also the party by adopting in 1957 what he called the single file policy of dissolving every party collective and ordering party members to form single filer to which he sent his political transmissions from his Manila hideout.

He had no significant connections with any mass movement nor with the remnants of the peoples army which continued to exist as roving rebel bands in the plains of some central provinces of Central Luzon.

The single event that broke the long period of reaction was the demonstration of 500 students mostly from the state university ,to oppose and stop the anti-communist witch hunt in 1961.

The young proletarian revolutionaries initiated the mass peasant action ,without direction from the underground remnant of the old merger SP-CP party.Following their success,they expanded their study and organizing activities from the University of Philippines to other universities. and gained leadership over students govts. and campus publications.The young proletarian revolutionaries linked up with veteran cadres and masses in progressive trade unions and peasant associations.

The mass movement of the youth the workers and peasants grew steadily.

The Kabataaang Makabayan was formed in 1964 as a comprehensive mass organization of students,workers,young peasants and young professionals.

They became most active in promoting the study of the works of Marx,Engels,Lenin,Stalin and Mao, and in creating Party groups within the mass organizations and party branches and localities to serve as the revolutionary core of the mass movement.They were  the most militant in launching workers strikes and mass actions to expose the anti national and anti democratic policies of the revolutionary government.

The Lava revisionist renegades wished to impose their line of indefinite parliamentary struggles on the proletarian revolutionaries and the people.

Their line was engendered by their own bourgeois subjectivist and opportunist world outlook and encouraged by the line of Soviet revisionist renegades.

The 2 line struggle between the Lava revisionist renegades and the proletarian revolutionaries became so intense that the former wished to inflict physical harm.on the latter.

The task of demarcating from the counter revolutionary revisionists and to wage a relentless campaign against them was the order of the day. 

Preparations began with consolidation meetings of the proletarian revolutionaries and mass activists and drafting the documents of re-establishment "Rectify errors and Rebuild the party " and the CPP constitution and Programs for a Peoples Democratic Revolution.

The Congress of re-establishment had only 12 delegates representing only a few scores of party members and candidate members in the trade unions and youth movement.

Soon after the re-establishment of the party in 1968 the proletarian revolutionaries linked up with the majority of the remnant peoples army with rural mass base of 80000 peasants ,in the 2nd district of Tratiac in Central Luzon.

In the urban and rural areas,the reestablished party inherited the fine revolutionary tradition of the proletariat as well as the senior and middle aged cadres of long drawn workers and peasants movement.

The mass organizations of workers,peasants and youth condemned both the Lava revisionist group and the Sumolong gangster Clique.

The Lava revisionist renegades prated about parliamentary struggle as the main form of struggle but it was the proletarian revolutionaries who actually continued to lead the legal democratic movement..

The proletarian revolutionaries wished to create a nation wide party organization with a cadre and mass character,deeply rooted among the working people,and building a peoples army waging protracted peoples war.They realized they had to expand the party base from region of Central Luzon.They also saw the necessity of creating guerilla zones.

Thus from the very outset members of the party central committee were deployed in particular regionist o facilitate nation wide expansion.They understood the importance of building guerilla zones in different regions,in various strategic points.

The mass organizations were virtually the nursery's for building the party members which is significant.The party membership originated from the peoples organizations which is an important component of the mass line.

All types of mass organizations were built amongst workers, peasants,youth,women and cultural activists.In April 1969 the party led a legal peasant demonstration of 15000 in Manila and another of of 50000 in Tarlac

Great mass demonstrations were led against US occupation of Vietnam.

The urban based Kabataang Makayaban acted as the leading organ of the national democratic revolution.It became the most important source of cadres who were immediately responsible for urban work..

It encouraged the use of progressive unions and federations such as KASAMA and PAKMAK and the transformation of reactionary unions into progressive ones.

A most crucial base was laid after the 1st rectification campaign from 1969 itself It laid the base for challenging the fascist role of Dictator Marcos and firmly upheld that Philippine s was an under developed semi-feudal state,with only semi-industrialization or capitalist development.

It challenged the rightist reformist line of Ramorez and also the line that adopted the path of strategic counter offensive which in my view was premature to implement at that time.

The chief protagonists or cause of right deviation was the NGO's and religious institutions that countered Marxist ideology.

The revisionist trend even denied correctness of Mao's theory ,need of united front and mass activists.The fortes of movement from 1972-77 laid the base for foundation in Minando .From 1981 a new cc was selected.Struggles were developed in urban areas with strikes.

The New Peoples army was regularized.16 companies were formed in no time.A foundation was laid for Maoism by 1977 with regards to United front.

In breaking out of the MPCSP, they launched the First Great Rectification Movement in 1966. 

This criticized and rectified the subjectivist and the ¨Left¨ and Right opportunist errors from 1942 to 1966, the year when a scion of the Lava family imposed his revisionist line and grabbed leadership in the MPCSP. 

The proletarian leaders who developed from the workers and youth mass organizations pursued the rectification movement and cleared the way for the foundation of the Communist Party of the Philippines from 1966 to 1968.

The CPP has waged rectification movements to overcome major errors in ideology, politics and organization. 

It successfully waged the Second Great Rectification Movement from 1992 to 1998 as an education movement in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to criticize and repudiate major subjectivist and ”Left” and Right opportunist errors in the period of 1981 to 1992.

It debunked the subjectivist notion that the Marcos fascist dictatorship had made the Philippine economy industrial capitalist. 

This subjectivist error gave rise to Right and ¨Left¨ opportunist errors. The Right opportunists advocated a united front without the leadership of the revolutionary proletariat and kowtowing to the anti-Marcos reactionaries, 

The ”Left” opportunists rejected Mao´s strategic line of protracted people´s war and promoted adventurism and the premature regularization of the NPA at the expense of mass work.

A major element was the contrasts between concentration and dispersing of forces.Often there was a weakness to absolutely concentrate forces and not disperse.

There was also over caution of penetration of spies .

Of major significance was my being a part of the revisionist CPP where I learnt some of the most fundamental lessons.The National Democratic Front placed great emphasis on uniting with non party forces.

There are legal anti-imperialist and democratic parties and mass organizations that do not wage armed revolution and always test how far they can go in elections staged by the reactionary parties.

The CPP does not participate in the reactionary elections because it wages armed revolution and is outlawed as a party in rebellion.

HT. What was the cause or significance the 2nd rectification campaign?

JMS From 1988 the mass base was diminishing and right opportunism was in ascendancy.50% of party members had capitulated to right or left opportunism. Many even rejected Mao.

Thus the party literally had to be ressurrected to be saved from death.The biggest liquidator was Ramos.

Again mass work of NPA was restored.

It successfully waged the Second Great Rectification Movement from 1992 to 1998 as an education movement in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to criticize and repudiate major subjectivist and ”Left” and Right opportunist errors in the period of 1981 to 1992.

The Second Great Rectification Movement criticized, repudiated and rectified the Right opportunist error of taking out the leadership of the communist party and the working class from the national united front supposedly to attract more people and make the united front the main weapon of the struggle; and several trends of ¨Left¨ opportunism, the most damaging of which over stressed the verticalization of the NPA at the expense of horizontal deployment of the NPA for mass work and which upon failure resulted in blaming those tagged as deep penetration agents as causing the failure and subjecting them to punishment without due process.

As a whole, the CPP has learned well from the Second Great Rectification Movement by developing the balance between armed struggle and mass work and the center of gravity in a relatively concentrated force (e.g., command platoon of a company or the command squad of a platoon) and the relatively dispersed force for mass work (two-thirds of a formation deployed on a wider scale). 

The line for the NPA is to wage intensive and extensive guerilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base. But the erroneous currents of conservatism and roving rebel bands, which neglect the waging of guerilla tactical offensives by overemphasizing mass work by armed propaganda teams, has afflicted some regions for extended periods, especially in Luzon and the Visayas.

The plenum of the Central Commitee in 1980 encouraged the opponents of "Left " and "right" opportunism to espouse urban insurrectionism and parliamentarism,respectively,by allowing both opportunists to spread doubts about the strategic line of peoples war.The Politburo meeting favoured both types of opportunism.

The left opportunists were lumped together and reject both liberal democrats and the anti-marcos reactionaries as 'bourgeois reformists' along the line of monopolozing victory in the anti fascist struggle which was anticipated as forthcoming..

The line of strategic counter offensive and regularization encouraged the more blatant militarist line of combining urban insurrectionism with military Mindanao from 1982 to 1985.

Mass organizing was totally abandoned and underground cadres exposed themselves to the enemy in small provincial cities.There was also a trend that was seeking military and financial assistance from the Soviet through importing heavy military weapons.

Couriers were already dispatched to contact Soviet parties by them.

In common with Left opportunism the right opportunists gave utmost importance to legal struggles.-not revolutionary armed struggle.

As early as 1978-79 one group of right opportunists in the Manila -Rizai Party Committee provoked a struggle with the central leadership by insisting on the participation of the Communist Party of Philippines in the farcical elections held by the Marcos regime.debate was erroneously formulated as one of choosing between participation or boycott in elections.

It led to disruption ion the Manila-Rizai party committee.

Disruptive elements promoting such punitive measures were punished with disciplinary actions.

In 1981,the Right Opportunists were already advocating replacement of the vanguard proletarian party with a vanguard front' called 'New Katipunana.

However the party thwarted this liquidationist proposal.The right opportunist line ran so deep that 'national democrats' from the ranks of the masses were enrolled into the party without any Marxist-Leninist education.

The right opportunists proceeded to realize their concept of strategic alliance ,which meant denying the role of the party on the anti-fascist alliance They drew cadres from the countryside to the cities.

Following the overthrow of Marcos dictatorship The Political bureau of the party decided that the boycott policy was a major tactical error.and the party chairman was forced to resign.However the right opportunists insisted that the error was a strategic one being connected to the strategic line of protracted peoples war.,as different from the left opportunist line.

From 1986 onwards the Right Opportunists who advocated parliamentarism as well as those who combined parliamentarism with urban insurrection collaborated. with the supporters of anti-communist bourgeois collaborators outside the party ,such as Christian democrat sand bourgeois populists .

Right Opportunism openly supported Gorbachev revisionism and attempted to get rid of working class leadership.advocating the Communist party to function openly.

By 1988 the right Opportunists had virtually sabotaged the legal movement,colluding with the supporters of urban insurrection.

Right Opportunists had misdirected personnel towards building foreign funded institutions and coalitions out of the same legal organizations wielding them towards parliamentarism.

Similarly the left opportunists concentrated on forming small groups of armed city partisans and ordered them to launch indiscriminate killings which provoked the enemy to assassinate mass activists.and suppress the militant mass organizations.Mass organizing was virtually abandoned by them .

From 1988,the bamkruptcy of the left opportunist line of combining urban insurrrectionism with military adventurism conspiratorial and splitist block supported Gorbachov's line in certain central staff organs,institutions and organizations.

In 1990 they tried to liquidate the party by usurping the authority of the central leadership.They tried to replace the party as the center of the revolution with the National Democratic Front.They also tried to amend the programme of the NDF with that of bourgeois nationalism replacing New Democratic Revolution and wished to convert it from a united front into an alliance with a jamboori of member organizations and individual members.

Concept of anti-imperialist democratic front' was propogated combining the Left,Middle and Right against US.-Aquno regime.They did this to reaching the objective of urban insurrection.

From 1986 onward ,several inter regional or regional party committees pushed to build absolutely concentrated companies and adopt some putchist or insurrectionist plan.

However most of them complained about the unreasonable targets imposed upon them by left opportunists with regard to formation of companies and launching offensives.

The 1988 anniversary statement summed up the 20 year history of the party and criticized the imbalances in revolutionary work.In 1989 conferences on mass work were held at regional and inter regional levels and cadres were re-deployed for mass work, especially for recovery and expansion 1988 party anniversary statement called for rectification,,the further strengthening of the party, and the intensification of peoples revolutionary struggles.

The 1980 party anniversary statement was critical of the errors of regularization and verticalization of the forces at the expense of developing the horizontal stages and called for extensive and intensive guerilla warfare on the basis of ever widening mass base.The acute struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line and the bourgeois opportunist line intensified within the central organ of the party.

By 1990-91 the left and Right Opportunist line was forced to retreat.Earlier it made a concerted effort in disrupting the massline .They tried to exploit the crisis faced by the central leadership by trying to usurp power and promote the counter-revolutionary rightist line.

Later in 1990 ,the political bureau nullified the erroneous concept of "strategic counter-offensive" and put a stop to it's implementation.The Military Commission and the political department of the NPA, of the Central Committee held the National central conference of Political work in March-April 1990 supporting the proletarian revolutionary line.

A major campaign for educating cadres on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung was launched with many classic work s reprinted for educating cadres.

HT What has been the role of the New Peoples Army?

JMS The CPP founded the New People’s Army on March 29, 1969. It started with only 9 automatic rifles and 26 other inferior firearms for the initial 60 Red fighters in the second district of Tarlac province.

The NPA is the main weapon of the people for defeating the enemy and winning the revolution. Without it, the people have nothing. It carries out three integral tasks: revolutionary armed struggle, agrarian revolution and mass base building. It carries out a war of fluid movement and avails of the tactics of concentration, dispersal and shifting as circumstances require. It follows the strategy of protracted people´s war, with three probable strategic stages: defensive, stalemate and counter-offensive.

The NPA applies the principle of centralized ideological and political leadership and decentralized operations, which is very appropriate to the archipelago character of the Philippines even as the Party central leadership issues operational guidelines for the national, regional and lower levels to implement. 

Currently, the NPA is victoriously carrying out extensive and intensive guerilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base in order to advance from the strategic defensive to the strategic stalemate.

Now, the Red fighters run into thousands and their units operate nationwide in 110 guerrilla fronts in 73 out of 81 provinces. The full time Red fighters are augmented by tens of thousands of members of the people’s militia and hundreds of thousands of members of the self-defense units of the mass organizations. These are active auxiliaries as well as reserve force for the NPA.

The NPA has surpassed the number, strength and scale of all previous revolutionary armies in Philippine history. Most importantly, it has grown in strength and advanced since 1969 by carrying out the strategic line of protracted people’s war, using the countryside to accumulate strength and create the conditions for the strategic offensive to seize the cities.

At the moment, the NPA is striving to advance from the middle phase to the advanced phase of the strategic defensive in order to enter the stage of the strategic stalemate. It has a sound basis for the rapid advance of the revolution because of the tempering and accumulated experience of the revolutionary forces and the desire of the people for revolutionary change because of the worsening crisis of the ruling system and the escalating oppression and exploitation.

It has strived to arouse mobilization campaigns,mass organization s of the people,literacy and health campaigns,implementing land reform apart from military insurgency.It most regularly carries out training in self defense and combat for guerilla warfare and built many organisation of political power.

The party was cautious of giving autonomy in the mass organizations by working as fractions and not imposing the party politics.It stressed on learning from the masses and not imposing Marxism.Today the New Peoples Army has a membership of over a million members.110 companies exist.The movement today is the stage of the strategic offensive.

The NPA mastered the art of capturing weapons from the enemy camp and also the art of winning over members of the official army from the military academy in the 1970's.It also never assassinated members of the enemy camp after capturing them.

In early years meticulous mass work was done by the Makaban which was the student and youth wing ,particularly in cities.

NPA resembled the CCP of Mao when implementing ceasefire and defensive armed actions in Cayoza.

In many junctures the CCP combated legalism by launching retaliatory armed action son the enemy forces in the countryside and resisted left sectarianism that wished to launch armed action sin cities and call of urban mass work.

In the White Areas, the revolutionary CP does not expose itself to the enemy. But in the Red areas, already under the people's government, the revolutionary CP leads the masses and their activities openly, with security provisions against unreliable elements and possible enemy agents. 

If the CP does not trust the masses and is afraid of facing them, it cannot lead them in the revolutionary process and will wither away or disintegrate as a mere conspiratorial cabal..

We did not blindly execute all landlords and in some cases even won some over on a minimum platform. Instead of just eliminating them we could tactically use them to capture the weapons of the enemy which they often obtained to pretend to defend the revolution.

HT. What is the policy of building united front and basis of formation of the National Democratic Front ?

JMS In developing the alliance of the working class with the peasantry in the anti feudal untied front, the CPP has correctly taken the line of relying mainly on the poor peasants, winning over the middle peasants, and neutralizing the rich peasants in order to isolate and destroy the power of the landlord class. The CPP and NPA have taken the key role in carrying out agrarian revolution as the main content of the democratic revolution.

As it now stands, the people´s democratic government has millions of people under its governance and influence. It is mindful of the class line in the national united front and in the anti-feudal united front in being able to govern the revolutionary mass organizations and the broad masses of the people. The policy of the united front guides the people’s war as well as the various forms of legal struggle in the urban areas in order to promote the armed revolution and attract the support of the people in their millions.

The CPP has built the united front as a weapon of the people for armed as well as for legal struggle. The united front is embodied in the National Democratic Front of the Philippines as the largest and most consolidated united front organization. 

The NDFP consists of 18 allied organizations bound together by patriotic and progressive principles and policies. And it has the flexibility to become the base for an even broader united front that takes advantage of the contradictions among the reactionaries in order to isolate and defeat the current enemy, which is the most reactionary clique in the country.

H.T. What are the political achievements of the CPP?

JMS. Depending on the circumstances, they have carried out the minimum and maximum land reform programs. The minimum program involves rent reduction, elimination of usury, setting of fair farm-gate prices and promotion of agricultural production and sideline occupation through independent households and rudimentary cooperation. The maximum program involves the confiscation of land from the landlords and land grabbers and free land distribution and agricultural cooperation in stages.

Because of the people´s army and advance of the people´s war, the CPP has been able to build the local organs of political power nationwide, from the barangay level upwards. At the barangay level, the barangay organizing committees are appointed and then eventually the barangay revolutionary committees are elected. The local organs of political power constitute the people´s democratic government of workers and peasants in opposition to the reactionary government of big compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists.

They are composed of the representatives of the Party cadres, the masses and technically capable persons. They oversee and supervise mass organizing, public education, production, finance, self-defense, health and sanitation, cultural affairs, environmental protection, disaster relief and rehabilitation and the settlement of disputes. They are in charge of the people´s militia and the people´s court at the pertinent level.

Two conflicting governments exist in the Philippines. The reactionaries are talking nonsense whenever they say that the revolutionaries have not accomplished anything in 50 years by not being able to seize the presidential palace in Manila. 

They are even more absurd when they try to deny the existence and belligerent status of the people´s democratic government and dismiss it as a mere non state actor.

In fact, this government, duly constituted by the workers and peasants, is growing and advancing wave upon wave until it shall be able to overthrow every level of the reactionary government. At certain levels and in many areas in the Philippines, the reactionary government cannot function without its enlightened local officials obtaining the permission or cooperation of the revolutionary government.

As it now stands, the people´s democratic government has millions of people under its governance and influence. It is mindful of the class line in the national united front and in the anti-feudal united front in being able to govern the revolutionary mass organizations and the broad masses of the people. The policy of the united front guides the people’s war as well as the various forms of legal struggle in the urban areas in order to promote the armed revolution and attract the support of the people in their millions

H.T. How did the CPP carry out ideological education ?

JMS The CPP has educated tens of thousands of Party cadres and members in the theory and practice of MLM by providing them with three levels of Party study courses: basic, intermediate and advanced. These cadres are the ever growing hard core of the revolutionary mass movement, institutions of various kinds and specialized fields of work. Party education is meant to enlighten and inspire the Party cadres and members among the toiling masses of workers and peasants as well as among the middle social strata of the bourgeoisie.

The basic Party course provides Party cadres and members with a knowledge of Philippine history, the basic problems of the Filipino people and the people´s democratic revolution; the intermediate Party course on building the Party, the people´s army and the united front with a comparative knowledge of successful revolutions led by the proletariat; and the advanced Party course with a comprehensive knowledge of materialist philosophy, political economy, scientific socialism, the strategy and tactics of proletarian revolution and the international communist movement.

The CPP has contributed greatly to the world treasury of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism by issuing ideological and political documents and bylined works written by CPP leading organs and cadres for declaring the position of the Party on theoretical and practical issues, for building and developing the Party, the people´ army and the united front, for criticizing and rectifying errors and shortcomings and for analyzing and opposing imperialism and reaction in the Philippines and abroad. Many of such works have attained the level of texts for theoretical or doctrinal study.

HT JMS Why are you negotiating with Duterte who you claim is a dictator?

Yes,he is autocratic but he did earlier cooperate with the movement in Minando and supported progressive reforms.He made positive proposals in 2014.We feel even if he had weaknesses we should utilize the contradictions prevalent and take advantage of the splits in the ruling calless.

Duterte was the less reactionary and wished to cooperate 5 years ago. It is purely a tactical ploy to safeguard the armed struggle.

It is foolish and self-defeating for the Duterte regime to wage an all out war and commit barbarous acts of state terrorism against the people and all democratic forces, whether these are engaged in armed struggle or not. The people’s war in the countryside is advancing while the broad united front and democratic mass movement in the urban areas are rising up to oust the Duterte regime.

The Duterte regime needs the peace negotiations more than the NDFP does even if only as a futile tactic to confound the opposition and confuse the public. But the NDFP is highly principled and competent to stand firmly for the national and democratic rights and interests of the people in the exploration of peace negotiations, actual peace negotiations and otherwise.

It is the consistent policy of the NDFP to be open to peace negotiations with the Duterte regime despite the determination of the NDFP to seek the ouster of this regime."

"It is for the benefit of the people that the peace negotiations resume and stop the Duterte regime from proclaiming martial law nationwide, from calling off or rigging the May 2019 elections and from pursuing the scheme to impose a fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people via charter change for a bogus kind of federalism,

The NDFP presumes that, when peace negotiations resume, the way is open to the forging of agreements on social, economic and political reforms that are desired and needed by the people.

HT What are your views on the criticism of sections of parties that Claim that CPP has veered towards rightist path in International line?

JMS Let me make one thing clear cooperating with a Communist party does not totally been supporting it's political line or practice.

In the 1980's there was trend that advocated cooperating with certain Revisionist counties like USSR or Eastern Europe on certain anti-imperialist issues.

We also did not fully analyze the revisionist content of the Dengist CCP. 

However we never endorsed Soviet Social Imperialism.

By the 1990's we took a clear cut stand against Soviet and Chinese revisionism which had a setback after 1978.

We fully opposed the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as we feel it violated the Leninist concept of equality of Communist parties and promoted dependence.

It promoted big parties imposing itself on smaller parties .

We analyzed the collapse of the 1943 International and the approach of the Chinese party under Mao. 

Communist parties had to literally yield or submit to the Central organization after formation of R.I.M.

We have supported even progressive non-Maoists like Hugo Chavez in Venezuela,Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, Kim Il Sung in North Korea, Freedom Road Socialist Organization in U.S.etc.

We also hold Che Guevera and Fidel Castro in the highest esteem.

The "Left" opportunists in the CPP were the ones who hoped for military assistance from the Soviet Union or pro-Soviet parties from 1983 to 1988. They were accommodated by the CC of the CPP by letting the NDFP to explore the possibility of such assistance. 

By 1988 the Maoists in the CPP started to oppose the "Left" opportunists for errors of line and crimes in violation of due process. By 1992, the Second Great Rectification Movement was carried out, targetting mainly the "Left" opportunists.

HT Do you feel Mao's military line of protracted peoples war is universal?

JMS Mao is clear that because of the chronic crisis of the semi colonial and semi feudal country, protracted people's war is possible in such a country, starting from small and weak people's army and developing into one that is big and strong and accumulating armed and political strength in the countryside until conditions are ripe for the seizure of the cities. 

Like Marx, he warned against playing with insurrection in the well-developed and highly centralized capitalist countries. So far, it has been shown that capitalist countries have given space for guerrilla partisan warfare under conditions of inter-imperialist war as in France, Italy, etc in WW II.

Are there conditions of inter-imperialist of war to divide the attention of the Canadian ruling class and military? Whether the war is carried out in the hinterlands among the native Canadians or in Quebec or any cities, can there be a people's army immediately to give battles to the highly organized security forces of the Canadian state? 

According to some some Italians who also advocate people's war, they presume that the people are ready already to rise up and it is only a matter of igniting the situation to rally the people to march on the centers of power. 

That is more literary metaphor than military science and tactics under the command of the Party and materialist dialectics.

Mao was absolutely clear that protracted people's war, especially building a people's army from small and weak to big and strong over time, is possible only in semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries because of their chronic crisis and their wide physical and social terrain (countryside and peasantry) for guerrilla warfare to develop into a regular mobile warfare.

HT What do you feel about the Maoist Movement since capitalism was restored in China?

JMS We admire the resilience of the people in the armed struggles in Peru,India,Nepal,Colombia ,Turkey Etc.

However we strongly feel Chairman Gonzalo in Peru made a mistake in assessing that PCP was in the stage of strategic equilibrium and in promoting urban putchism or insurrectionist path in the cities.He also underestimated the aspect of United front and prematurely Introduced Gonzalo thought.

We totally disapproved of the surrender of the struggle after the arrest of Guzman,

To me,the most progressive movement after Philippines is that of the C.P.I.(Maoist) who are practicing mass line of protracted peoples war with great resilience and understanding.

After setback around 2 decades ago in North Telengana they have magnificently resurrected themselves in Dandkaranya to burn the flame of Maoism.With great skill they have retaliated attacks by the Indian para-military forces and survived like cornered tigers.

Without massline they could never have achieved such heights.Still they have weaknesses in Urban areas and in building peoples mass organizations.

Being such a vast country with so many diversities and such a big population the CPP would not mind working under the shadow of the C.P.I.(Maoist)

HT What is your view of the state of the world today?

JMS We feel USA Imperialism in it's sabotaging effort is on the strategic decline and acute contradictions are intensifying.The resistance of Social Imperialist China to of great political significance challenging hegemonic interests.

The Kurdish struggle do has important implications on International relations. 

Inter-imperialist contradiction shave to be utilzied.

Today fascism of a new character is in ascendancy worldwide and will take different shapes in countering it in imperilaist countries.

We may have to support non-Marxist but progressive left sections in Europe.

A major feature in third world countries is the emergence of neo-liberalism that could even be more lethal than conventional fascism Neo-Liberal states cover their proto-fascist nature like in Latin America and Asia , functioning like dictatorial states.It is hard to conceive of formal dictatorship like the time of Marcos emerging in Philippines..but morally Duterte govt is fascist.

Even if officially not banned ,morally the CPP is banned.The deep seated tradition of the church promoted liberalism to combat outright fascism.Sections of Church even supported the revolution.

HT How do you see future of revolution in CPP?

JMS Very positively.We are determined to defeat the fascism of Duterte.Today the CPP contains 75,000 members which is outstanding and is penetrating all spheres of society. 

After the CPP in many ways the CPP are the pioneers of the massline in the post-Mao years.

A very important factor is defending the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and understanding why the Cultural Revolution ushered a 3rd stage in Marxism.

The CPP has excelled in leading the armed revolution that is among the longest running, strongest, and continuously growing armed revolutions for national liberation, democracy and socialism in the world. 

This armed revolution has proven correct Mao´s theory and practice of people´s war as well as the development of this theory and practice by the CPP leadership in accordance with the specific characteristics of the Philippines in terms of social and physical terrain, with the peasant population as the most numerous class in the mountainous archipelago.

What makes the Philippine revolution most outstanding currently is that it has overcome a long running fascist dictatorship and a long series of strategic operational campaign plans of US-lining pseudo-democratic regimes to destroy it. 

The revolutionary forces and people have become strong precisely by fighting all the series of strategic operational plans that have been undertaken by the US with the collaboration of the Filipino puppet regimes. 

They have also combated and prevented all attempts of modern revisionism, reformism and opportunism to undermine and weaken the armed revolution.

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